Is there a confirmed historic record of using “non-standard” live animals for military purposes?

Is there a confirmed historic record of using “non-standard” live animals for military purposes?

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Is there a confirmed historic record of using "non-standard" live animals for military purposes?

To clarify, the following doesn't count due to either being standard or non-military:

  • "Standard" well known animals (e.g. horses/camels/elephants for mounts, dogs for a variety of purposes, dolphins by the navy). Doesn't have to be universally standard around the globe, e.g. camels are standard despite not ever being used as military mounts outside their habitat.
  • Animals typically used for non-military food/supplies included for similar logistical purposes.
  • Animals used for purposes identical to their civilian use with no clear military angle (e.g. carrier pigeons for communications, donkeys/mules for carrying/dragging things, cats for catching mice, leeches for medicinal purposes, monkeys for medical research).
  • Using animals' behavior in the wild (e.g. Rome's geese or forest animals for alarm purposes).

I'm thinking of really unusual uses, such as Odysseus' use of Cyclops' sheep to hide under in Odyssey, except in real well documented historical situation.

Ideally I'm looking for a good (well referenced) single resource such a book or web page on animal use for military purposes; or a single "yes" answer with strikingly unusual/unexpected example.

Extra plus if the use was either a spectacular one-time success, or a stable practice for a specific culture/location/commander.

The most striking example that immediately occurs to me is the development of the Bat Bomb by the United States during World War Two. It was conceived by dental surgeon Lytle S. Adams with the premise that bats carrying timed incendiary devices would be released over Japanese cities at high altitudes, disperse over a wide area during the night (secluding themselves in buildings across the city) and then explode the next day causing widespread damage and panic.

The project was approved by President Roosevelt in 1942 but was eventually overtaken by Atomic bomb development and then cancelled in 1944.

There was one well-known case during the Chilean War of Independence in 1814. Trapped in the city of Rancagua, and outnumbered some eight or ten to one, the Chilean revolutionary, Bernardo O'Higgins rounded up the local farm animals (cows, pigs, chickens) etc., and threw them against the Spanish lines encircling him, using the animals as cannon and musket fodder. In the ensuing confusion, the rebels managed to escape.

Bernardo O'Higgins (Wikipedia)

My favorite such use is the missile guidance system developed by BF Skinner (of Skinner box fame) during WW2. It used pigeons. To quote Wikipedia's article on "Project Pigeon":

The control system involved a lens at the front of the missile projecting an image of the target to a screen inside, while a pigeon trained (by operant conditioning) to recognize the target pecked at it. As long as the pecks remained in the center of the screen, the missile would fly straight, but pecks off-center would cause the screen to tilt, which would then, via a connection to the missile's flight controls, cause the missile to change course.

Near the end of the Viking Age, Harald Hardrada is said to have caught birds that nested in the cities they seiged, attach burning embers to them, and have they fly back to their nests.

The Viking “Air Force”: How Norway's King Harald Copied Russia's Queen Olga

So now Harald thought up a scheme: he told his bird-catchers to catch the small birds that nested within the town and flew out to the woods each day in search of food. Harald had small shavings of fir tied to the backs of the birds, and then he smeared the shavings with wax and sulphur and set fire to them. As soon as the birds were released they all flew straight home to their young in their nests in the town; the nests were under the eaves of the roofs, which were thatched with reeds or straw. The thatched roofs caught fire from the birds, and although each bird could only carry a tiny flame, it quickly became a great fire; a host of birds set roofs alight all over the town. One house after another caught fire, and soon the whole town was ablaze.

The Viking “Air Force”: How Norway's King Harald Copied Russia's Queen Olga ( pg 3)

QUOTING: Chapter 6 of Snorri Sturluson's King Harald's Saga: Harald Hardradi of Norway (Penguin Classics, 1966 translation from Sturlusson's Heimskringla, by Magnus Magnusson & Hermann Pálsson), pages 52-53.

During the Second Punic War, when Hannibal was trapped by Fabius Maximus, he had torches tied to cows, put out all other lights and drove them towards the area between the main army of Fabius and the troops that he had guarding a pass. Fabius feared a plot and was afraid to move, while his troops at the pass thought the cows were soldiers and went to attack them, leaving the pass open for Hannibal to take. (sources: Polybius, Appian, Livius)

Many years later, when Hannibal was fighting for Prusias of Bithynia, he fought a naval battle against Eumenes of Pergamum in which his fleet was inferior both in numbers and in ability. He therefore sought poisonous snakes, put them in earthen vessels and had his troops throw them onto the ships of the enemy. Eumenes' troops were surprised at this move and had no idea how to deal with it, so they withdrew. (source: Cornelius Nepos)

Caracalla, when attacking the Parthians, apparently employed wild beasts in battle. However, as far as I'm aware, this is only attested by the very dubious Historia Augusta that is known to contain a substantial amount of fiction.

During the 1944 Italian campaign, most notably battle of Monte Cassino, a brown bear was used by soldiers of the Polish 2nd Corps to transfer ammunition.

Wojtek (soldier bear)

During the second Israeli-Lebanon war in 2006, one Israeli brigade used llamas. However, the IDF are considering releasing their stocks of Oryxes,Llamas and Barbary sheep who have been faithfully serving Israel for some years.

Llamas have advantages over mules for cross country work but have difficulty in terraced terrain. They don't like big steps. The antelopes will stay as their skills in brush clearance make them appreciated. Apparently , veterinary care is the main driving factor here. Antelopes are low maintenance whilst llamas are not, with dental work being quite costly.

The War-Pig has a long and notable history, used primarily by the ancient Greeks and Romans as a countermeasure against war elephants. Some models were incendiary - the besieged would light pigs on fire, aim them at enemy elephant formations, and let them run free.

It pains me to think about but during World War 2 Russia used dogs carrying bombs to seek out tanks and armored vehicles. Training typically involved starving the animals and only feeding them… underneath tanks and armored vehicles. The United States dedicated resources to a similar program but for use against static fortifications, also during WW2. Bomb dogs were last seen in the 2000's during the Iraqi resistance to U.S. occupation, in addition to bomb donkeys.

The original idea was to have the dog drop it's explosive payload and return to its handler. Two problems; remotely detonating explosives requires timers, or remote detonators, which fall into the categories of 'unreliable' or 'expensive', and sometimes the dog returned to its handler during training without dropping it's payload. Bad for the dog, bad for the handler. The result- canine suicide bombers.

These dogs make a brief appearance in David Benioff's excellent work of fiction "City of Thieves"

Togakushi Daisuke during the battle of the Kurikara Pass placed torches on cattle and directed them at camped Heike soldiers which panicked them into retreat and some ten thousand killed themselves as they fell from Kurikara Pass. My reference is Ninja Attack by Hiroko Yoda.

History of Somerset

Somerset is a historic county in the south west of England. There is evidence of human occupation since prehistoric times with hand axes and flint points from the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic eras, and a range of burial mounds, hill forts and other artefacts dating from the Neolithic, Bronze and Iron Ages. The oldest dated human road work in Great Britain is the Sweet Track, constructed across the Somerset Levels with wooden planks in the 39th century BCE.

Following the Roman Empire's invasion of southern Britain, the mining of lead and silver in the Mendip Hills provided a basis for local industry and commerce. Bath became the site of a major Roman fort and city, the remains of which can still be seen. During the Early Medieval period Somerset was the scene of battles between the Anglo-Saxons and first the Britons and later the Danes. In this period it was ruled first by various kings of Wessex, and later by kings of England. Following the defeat of the Anglo-Saxon monarchy by the Normans in 1066, castles were built in Somerset.

Expansion of the population and settlements in the county continued during the Tudor and more recent periods. Agriculture and coal mining expanded until the 18th century, although other industries declined during the industrial revolution. In modern times the population has grown, particularly in the seaside towns, notably Weston-super-Mare. Agriculture continues to be a major business, if no longer a major employer because of mechanisation. Light industries are based in towns such as Bridgwater and Yeovil. The towns of Taunton and Shepton Mallet manufacture cider, although the acreage of apple orchards is less than it once was.

Bronze Age Tools

Ancient Sumer may have been the first civilization to start adding tin to copper to make bronze. Bronze was harder and more durable than copper, which made bronze a better metal for tools and weapons.

Archaeological evidence suggests the transition from copper to bronze took place around 3300 B.C. The invention of bronze brought an end to the Stone Age, the prehistoric period dominated by the use of stone tools and weaponry.

Different human societies entered the Bronze Age at different times. Civilizations in Greece began working with bronze before 3000 B.C., while the British Isles and China entered the Bronze Age much later𠅊round 1900 B.C. and 1600 B.C., respectively.

The Bronze Age was marked by the rise of states or kingdoms—large-scale societies joined under a central government by a powerful ruler. Bronze Age states interacted with each other through trade, warfare, migration and the spread of ideas. Prominent Bronze Age kingdoms included Sumer and Babylonia in Mesopotamia and Athens in Ancient Greece.

The Bronze Age ended around 1200 B.C. when humans began to forge an even stronger metal: iron.


Size Edit

Richmond Park is the largest of London's Royal Parks. [7] It is the second-largest park in London (after the 10,000 acre Lee Valley Park, whose area extends beyond the M25 into Hertfordshire and Essex) and is Britain's second-largest urban walled park after Sutton Park, [1] Birmingham. Measuring 3.69 square miles (955 hectares or 2,360 acres), [1] it is comparable in size to Paris's Bois de Vincennes (995 ha or 2,458 ac) [8] and Bois de Boulogne (846 ha or 2,090 ac). [9] It is almost half the size of Casa de Campo (Madrid) (1750 ha or 4324.34 ac) [10] and around three times the size of Central Park in New York (341 ha or 843 ac). [11]

Status Edit

Of national and international importance for wildlife conservation, most of Richmond Park (856 hectares 2115 acres) is a Site of Special Scientific Interest (SSSI), [12] [13] a National Nature Reserve (NNR) [14] and a Special Area of Conservation (SAC). [15] [16] The largest Site of Special Scientific Interest in London, it was designated as an SSSI in 1992, [13] excluding the area of the golf course, Pembroke Lodge Gardens and the Gate Gardens. [16] In its citation, Natural England said: "Richmond Park has been managed as a royal deer park since the seventeenth century, producing a range of habitats of value to wildlife. In particular, Richmond Park is of importance for its diverse deadwood beetle fauna associated with the ancient trees found throughout the parkland. In addition the park supports the most extensive area of dry acid grassland in Greater London." [13]

The park was designated as an SAC in April 2005 on account of its having "a large number of ancient trees with decaying timber. It is at the heart of the south London centre of distribution for stag beetle Lucanus cervus, and is a site of national importance for the conservation of the fauna of invertebrates associated with the decaying timber of ancient trees". [17]

Since October 1987 the park has also been included, at Grade I, on the Register of Historic Parks and Gardens of special historic interest in England, being described in Historic England's listing as "A royal deer park with pre C15 origins, imparked by Charles I and improved by subsequent monarchs. A public open space since the mid C19". [18]

Geography Edit

Richmond Park is located in the London Borough of Richmond upon Thames. It is close to Richmond, Ham, Petersham, Kingston upon Thames, Wimbledon, Roehampton and East Sheen. [1]

Governance Edit

The Secretary of State for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport manages Richmond Park and the other Royal Parks of London under powers set out in the Crown Lands Act 1851, which transferred management of the parks from the monarch to the government. Day-to-day management of the Royal Parks has been delegated to The Royal Parks, an executive agency of the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS). The Royal Parks' Board sets the strategic direction for the agency. Appointments to the Board are made by the Mayor of London. [19]

The Friends of Richmond Park and the Friends of Bushy Park co-chair the Richmond and Bushy Parks Forum, comprising 38 local groups of local stakeholder organisations. [20] The forum was formed in September 2010 to consider proposals to bring Richmond Park and Bushy Park – and London's other royal parks – under the control of the Mayor of London through a new Royal Parks Board [20] [21] and to make a joint response. Although welcoming the principles of the new governance arrangements, the forum (in 2011) and the Friends of Richmond Park (in 2012) have expressed concerns about the composition of the new board. [20] [22] [23]

Access Edit

Richmond Park is the most visited royal park outside central London, with 4.4 million visits in 2014. [24] The park is enclosed by a high wall with several gates. The gates either allow pedestrian and bicycle access only, or allow bicycle, pedestrian and other vehicle access. The gates for motor vehicle access are open only during daylight hours, and the speed limit is 20 mph. The gates for pedestrians and cyclists are open 24 hours a day apart from during the deer cull in February and November when the park is closed in the evenings. Apart from taxis, no commercial vehicles are allowed unless they are being used to transact business with residents of the park. [25]

From March to October, a free bus service runs on Wednesdays, stopping at the main car parks and the gate at Isabella Plantation nearest Peg's Pond. [26]

The gates open to motor traffic are: Sheen Gate, Richmond Gate, Ham Gate, Kingston Gate, Roehampton Gate and (for access to Richmond Park Golf Course only) Chohole Gate. [27] [28] There is pedestrian and bicycle access to the park 24 hours a day except during the deer cull in February and November when the pedestrian gates are closed between 8:00 pm and 7:30 am. [29]

The park has designated bridleways and cycle paths. These are shown on maps and noticeboards displayed near the main entrances, along with other regulations that govern use of the park. [27] The bridleways are special in that they are for horses (and their riders) only and not open to cyclists like normal bridleways.

The Beverley Brook Walk runs through the park between Roehampton Gate and Robin Hood Gate. [30] The Capital Ring walking route passes through the park from Robin Hood Gate to Petersham Gate.

Cycling is allowed only on main roads, on National Cycle Route 4 through the centre of the park and on the Tamsin Trail (the shared-use pedestrian–cycle path that runs close to the park's perimeter). [31] [32] National Cycle Route 4 crosses the park between Ham Gate in the west and Roehampton Gate in the east, skirting Pen Ponds and White Lodge. It interlinks with the Thames Cycle Route and forms part of the London Cycle Network. [33] The speed limit on this route through the centre of the park, where it is off the main road, is 10 mph. [16]

As the park is a national nature reserve and a Site of Special Scientific Interest, all dog owners are required to keep their dogs under control while in the park. This includes not allowing their dog to disturb other park users or disrupt wildlife. In 2009, after some incidents leading to the death of wildfowl, the park's dogs-on-leads policy was extended. Park users are said to believe that the deer are feeling increasingly threatened by the growing number of dogs using the park [34] and Royal Parks advises against walking dogs in the park during the deer's birthing season. [35]

Law enforcement Edit

A mugging at gunpoint in 1854 reputedly led to the establishment of a park police force. [36] Until 2005 the park was policed by the separate Royal Parks Constabulary but that has now been subsumed into the Royal Parks Operational Command Unit of the Metropolitan Police. [37] The mounted police have been replaced by a patrol team in a four-wheel drive vehicle. In 2015 the Friends of Richmond Park expressed concern about plans to cut the numbers of police in the park to half the level that they were ten years previously, despite an increase in visitor numbers and in incidents of crime. [38]

In July 2012 it was reported that police have been given the power to issue £50 on-the-spot fines for littering, cycling outside designated areas and for dog fouling offences. [39] In August 2012 a dog owner was ordered to pay £315 after allowing five dogs to chase ducks in the park. [40] Since 2013 commercial dog-walkers have been required to apply for licences to walk dogs in the park and are allowed to walk only four dogs at a time. [41] In 2013 a cyclist was successfully prosecuted for speeding at 37 mph in the park. [42] In 2015 a cycling club member was fined for speeding at 41 mph and faced disciplinary action from his cycling club, which uses the park for training. [43] In 2014 and 2015 two men were prosecuted for picking mushrooms in the park. [44] [45]

Sport and recreation Edit

Cycling: Cycles are available for hire near Roehampton Gate and, at peak times, near Pembroke Lodge. [46] The Tamsin Trail (shared between pedestrians and cyclists) provides a circuit of the park and is almost entirely car-free. [32]

Fishing is allowed, by paid permit, on Pen Ponds from mid-June to mid-March. [46]

Golf is played at Richmond Park Golf Course, a public facility opened in 1923 by the Prince of Wales (later King Edward VIII). It has two 18-hole golf courses and practice facilities and is accessed from Chohole Gate.

Horse riding: Horses from several local stables are ridden in the park. [46]

Rugby: A section of the grassland to the north of the Roehampton Gate is maintained and laid out during the winter months for rugby there are three pitches. At weekends, this area is hired extensively to Rosslyn Park Rugby Football Club. The club buses visiting teams to and from the park pitches from its nearby clubhouse and changing rooms. [46]

Running: The Tamsin Trail is a 7.2 miles (11.6 km) trail around the park which is popular with runners. Members of Barnes Runners complete at least one circumnavigation of it on the first and third Sunday of every month. The Richmond Park Parkrun, a 5 km organised run, takes place every Saturday. [47]

There are children's playgrounds at Kingston Gate and Petersham Gate. [46]

Friends of Richmond Park Edit

The Friends of Richmond Park (FRP) was founded in 1961 to protect the park. In 1960 the speed limit in the park had been raised from 20 to 30 miles an hour and there were concerns that the roads in the park would be assigned to the main highway system as had recently happened in parts of Hyde Park. [49] In 1969, plans by the then Greater London Council to assign the park's roads to the national highway were revealed by the Friends and subsequently withdrawn. [50] The speed limit was reduced to 20 miles an hour in 2004. [51]

In 2011, the Friends successfully campaigned for the withdrawal of plans for open air screenings of films in the park. [52] [53] In 2012, the Friends contributed towards the cost of a new Jubilee Pond, and launched a public appeal for a Ponds and Streams Conservation Programme in which the Friends, the Richmond Park Wildlife Group and Healthy Planet have been working with staff from The Royal Parks to restore some of the streams and ponds in the park. [54] [55] [56]

The Friends run a visitor centre near Pembroke Lodge, organise a programme of walks and education activities for young people, and produce a quarterly newsletter. The Friends have published two books, A Guide to Richmond Park and Family Trails in Richmond Park profits from the books' sales contribute towards the Friends' conservation work. [57] [58]

The Friends of Richmond Park has been a charitable organisation since 2009. [59] It has 2500 members, [48] is run by approximately 150 volunteers and has no staff. [59] Broadcaster and naturalist Sir David Attenborough, former Richmond Park MP Baroness Susan Kramer and broadcaster Clare Balding are patrons of FRP. [60] The chairman (from April 2021) is Roger Hillyer. [61]

Stuart origins Edit

In 1625 Charles I brought his court to Richmond Palace to escape an outbreak of plague in London [62] and turned the area on the hill above Richmond into a park for the hunting of red and fallow deer. [62] [63] It was originally referred to as the king's "New Park" [64] to distinguish it from the existing park in Richmond, which is now known as Old Deer Park. In 1637 he appointed Jerome Weston, 2nd Earl of Portland as keeper of the new park for life, with a fee of 12 (old) pence a day, pasture for four horses, and the use of the brushwood [65] – later holders of that office were known as "Ranger". Charles's decision, also in 1637, to enclose the land [nb 1] was not popular with the local residents, but he did allow pedestrians the right of way. [66] To this day the walls remain, although they have been partially rebuilt and reinforced. Following Charles I's execution, custodianship of the park passed to the Corporation of the City of London. It was returned to the restored monarch, Charles II, on his return to London in 1660. [67]

Georgian alterations Edit

In 1719, Caroline of Ansbach and her husband, the future George II of Great Britain, bought Richmond Lodge as a country residence. This building had first been built as a hunting lodge for James I in 1619 and had also been occupied by William III. [68] As shown in a map of 1734, Richmond Park and Richmond Gardens then formed a single unit – the latter was merged with Kew Gardens by George III in the early 1800s. [69] In 1736 the Queen's Ride was cut through existing woodland to create a grand avenue through the park [70] and Bog Gate or Queen's Gate was opened as a private entrance for Caroline to enter the park on her journeys between White Lodge and Richmond Lodge. The same map shows Pen Ponds, a lake divided in two by a causeway, dug in 1746 and initially referred to as the Canals, which is now a good place to see water birds. [62] [71] Richmond Lodge fell out of use on Caroline's death in 1737 but was brought back into use by her grandson George III as his summer residence from 1764 to 1772, when he switched his summer residence to Kew Palace and had Richmond Lodge demolished. [72]

In 1751, Caroline's daughter Princess Amelia became ranger of Richmond Park after the death of Robert Walpole. Immediately afterwards, the Princess caused major public uproar by closing the park to the public, only allowing a few close friends and those with special permits to enter. [73] This continued until 1758, when a local brewer, John Lewis, took the gatekeeper, who stopped him from entering the park, to court. [74] The court ruled in favour of Lewis, citing the fact that, when Charles I enclosed the park in the 17th century, he allowed the public right of way in the park. Princess Amelia was forced to lift the restrictions. [75] [76]

19th century Edit

Full right of public access to the park was confirmed by Act of Parliament in 1872. [77] However, people were no longer given the right to remove firewood this is still the case and helps in preserving the park. [62]

Between 1833 and 1842 the Petersham Lodge estate, and then part of Sudbrook Park, were incorporated into Richmond Park. Terrace Walk was created from Richmond Gate to Pembroke Lodge. [78] The Russell School was built near Petersham Gate in 1851. [79] Between 1855 and 1861, new drainage improvements were constructed, including drinking points for deer. [80] In 1867 and 1876 fallow deer from the park were sent to New Zealand to help build up stocks – the first fallow deer introduced to that country [81] [82] In or around 1870, the Inns of Court Rifle Volunteers were using an area near Bog Gate as a drill ground. [80] Giuseppe Garibaldi, Italian general and politician, visited Lord John Russell at Pembroke Lodge in 1864, [83] as did the Shah of Persia, Naser al-Din Shah Qajar in 1873. He was the first modern Iranian monarch to visit Europe. [83]

Early 20th century Edit

Edward VII developed the park as a public amenity by opening up almost all the previously fenced woods and making public those gates that were previously private. [84] From 1915 level areas of the park were marked out for football and cricket pitches. [84] A golf course was developed on the former "Great Paddock" of Richmond Park, an area used for feeding deer for the royal hunt. The tree belt in this part of the park was supplemented by additional planting in 1936. [85] The public golf course was opened in 1923 by Edward, Prince of Wales [86] (who was to become King Edward VIII and, after his abdication, Duke of Windsor). The future king had been born in the park, at White Lodge, in 1894. [87] In 1925, a second public 18-hole course was laid out to the south of the first (towards Robin Hood Gate) it was opened by The Duke of York (George VI). In honour of their respective openers, Richmond Park Golf Course's two courses are named the "Prince's" and the "Duke's".

The park played an important role during World War I and was used for cavalry training. [88] On 7 December 1915 English inventor Harry Grindell Matthews demonstrated, in a secret test on Pen Ponds, how selenium cells would work in a remotely controlled prototype weapon for use against German Zeppelins. [89] Reporting on this story several years later, in April 1924, The Daily Chronicle reported that the test had been carried out in the presence of Arthur Balfour, Lord Fisher and a staff of experts. Its success led to Matthews receiving a payment of £25,000 from the Government the very next morning. Despite this large sum changing hands, the Admiralty never used the invention. [90] Between 1916 and 1925 the park housed a South African military war hospital, which was built between Bishop's Pond and Conduit Wood. [91] [92] The hospital closed in 1921 and was demolished in 1925. [93] Richmond Cemetery, just outside the park, contains a section of war graves commemorating 39 soldiers who died at the hospital the section is marked by a Cross of Sacrifice and a Grade II listed [94] cenotaph designed by Sir Edwin Lutyens. [95]

Faisal I of Iraq and Lebanese politician Salim Ali Salam were photographed visiting the park in 1925.

World War II Edit

An army camp was established in 1938. It covered 45 acres (18 ha) to the south and east of Thatched House Lodge, extending to the area south of Dann's Pond. [96] [97] It became known as Kingston Gate Camp and expanded the capacity of the East Surrey Regiment's regimental depot Infantry Training Centre (ITC). As a result the ITC was better able to meet the demands of training new recruits and called-up militia between early 1940 and August 1941 when the ITC transferred to a facility in Canterbury shared with the Buffs. [98] The camp was subsequently used as a military convalescent depot for up to 2,500 persons after which it continued as a base for the ATS until after the war. [99] During World War II Pembroke Lodge was used as the base for "Phantom" (the GHQ Liaison Regiment). [96] The Pen Ponds were drained, in order to disguise them as a landmark, [100] and an experimental bomb disposal centre was set up at Killcat Corner, which is between Robin Hood Gate and Roehampton Gate. [101]

An anti-aircraft gun site was inside Sheen Gate for the duration of the war. The Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, visited it on 10 November 1940 [102] and it was featured in a photograph published in Picture Post on 13 December 1941. [103] The Russell School was destroyed by enemy action in 1943 [104] and Sheen Cottage a year later. [105]

In addition to use of the park for military purposes, approximately 500 acres (200 ha) of the park was converted to agricultural use during the war. [106]

After World War II – present Edit

John Boyd-Carpenter, MP for Kingston-upon-Thames, proposed using the Kingston Gate Camp to help alleviate the local post-war housing shortage but Minister of Works, Charles Key, was opposed, preferring that the site be eventually returned to its former parkland use. [107] Key's department refurbished and repurposed the camp as an Olympic Village for the 1948 Summer Olympics. [108] [109] [110] The Olympic Village was opened by Lord Burghley with Key making the announcement, in July 1948. [111] After the Olympics, the camp was used by units of the Royal Corps of Signals then by the Women's Royal Army Corps following their formation in 1949 as successor to the wartime ATS. Although it had been hoped to clear the camp during the 1950s, it remained in military use and was used to house service families repatriated following the Suez Crisis in 1956. It was not until 1965 that the camp was eventually demolished and reintegrated into the park during the following year. [99] [106] [112]

In 1953 President Tito of Yugoslavia stayed at White Lodge during a state visit to Britain. [113]

The Petersham Hole was a sink hole caused by subsidence of a sewer which forced the total closure of the A307 road in Petersham in 1979–80. As the hole and subsequent repair work had forced a total closure of this main road between Richmond and Kingston, traffic was diverted through the park and the Richmond, Ham, and Kingston gates remained open throughout the day and night. The park road was widened at Ham Cross near Ham Gate to accommodate temporary traffic lights. About 10 deer a month were killed by traffic while the diversion was in operation. [114]

When the present London Borough of Richmond upon Thames was created in 1965, it included the majority, but not the whole, of the park. The eastern tip, including Roehampton Gate, belonged to the London Borough of Wandsworth, and the southern tip belonged to the Royal Borough of Kingston upon Thames. Following a series of borough boundary changes in 1994 and 1995, these anomalies were corrected and the whole park became part of Richmond upon Thames. [115]

In the 2012 Summer Olympics the men's and the women's cycling road races went through the park. [116]

Boundary wall Edit

The brick wall enclosing Richmond Park is eight miles (13 km) long and up to 9 ft (2.7m) high. [117] Much of the wall is designated by Historic England as a Grade II listed building. [118]

Gates Edit

Six original gates Edit

When the park was enclosed in 1637 there were six gates in the boundary wall: Coombe Gate, Ham Gate, Richmond Gate, Robin Hood Gate, Roehampton Gate and Sheen Gate. Of these, Richmond Gate has the heaviest traffic. The present gates were designed by Sir John Soane [119] [120] and were widened in 1896. [121] Sheen Gate was where the brewer John Lewis asserted pedestrian right of entry in 1755 after Princess Amelia had denied it. The present double gates date from 1926. [121] Coombe Gate (later known as Ladderstile Gate) provided access to the park for the parishioners of Coombe, with both a gate and a step ladder. The gate was locked in the early 1700s and bricked up in about 1735. The stepladder was reinstated after John Lewis's case in 1758 and remained in place until about 1884. The present gate dates from 1901. [121] The present wrought iron gates of Roehampton Gate were installed in 1899. [121] Ham Gate was widened in 1921, when the present wrought iron gates were installed. The chinoiserie lantern lights over the gate were installed in 1825. [121]

Robin Hood Gate takes its name from the nearby Robin Hood Inn (demolished in 2001) and is close to what is called [122] the Robin Hood roundabout on the A3. Widened in 1907, [121] it has been closed to motorised vehicles since a 2003 traffic reduction trial. [123] Alterations commenced in March 2013 to make the gates more suitable for pedestrian use and return some of the hard surface to parkland. [124]

Other gates Edit

Chohole Gate served the farm that stood within the park on the site of the present Kings Farm Plantation. It is first mentioned in 1680. [121] The gate now provides access to Richmond Park Golf Course.

Kingston Gate dates from about 1750. The existing gates date from 1898. [121]

Public access via Bog Gate or Queen's Gate (built in 1736), 24 hours a day, was granted in 1894 and the present "cradle" gate installed. [125] The gate connects the park with East Sheen Common.

Petersham Gate served the Russell School, replacing the more ornate gates to Petersham Lodge. A disused carriage gate further up the hill was probably a tradesman's entrance to the school or to the Lodge stables. [121]

Bishop's Gate in Chisholm Road, previously known as the Cattle Gate, was for use by livestock allowed to pasture in the nineteenth century. It was opened for public use in 1896. [121]

Kitchen Garden Gate, hidden behind Teck Plantation, is probably a nineteenth-century gate. It has never been open to the public. [125]

Cambrian Gate or Cambrian Road Gate [121] was constructed during World War I for access to the newly built South Africa Military Hospital. [93] [126] When the hospital was demolished in 1925, the entrance was made permanent, with public access, as a pedestrian gate. [121]

Buildings Edit

The park includes a Grade I listed building, White Lodge. The boundary wall of the park is Grade II listed as are ten other buildings: [16] [130] Ham Gate Lodge, built in 1742 [131] Holly Lodge (formerly known as Bog Lodge) and the game larder in its courtyard, built in 1735 [16] [130] Pembroke Lodge Richmond Gate and Richmond Gate Lodge, dated 1798 and designed by Sir John Soane [132] [119] [133] Thatched House Lodge and White Ash Lodge and its barns and stables, built in the 1730s or 1740s. [16] [130] [134] [135]

The Freebord or "deer leap" is a strip of land 5 metres (16'6") wide, running around most of the perimeter of the park. Owned by the Crown, it allows access to the outside of the boundary wall for inspection and repairs. Householders whose property backs on to the park can use this land by paying an annual fee. [136] [137]

Holly Lodge Edit

In 1735, a new lodge, Cooper's Lodge, was built on the site of Hill Farm. [138] It was later known as Lucas's Lodge and as Bog Lodge. [138] Bog Lodge was renamed Holly Lodge in 1993 [139] and now contains a visitors' centre (bookings only), the park's administrative headquarters and a base for the Metropolitan Police's Royal Parks Operational Command Unit.

Holly Lodge also includes the Holly Lodge Centre, an organisation which provides an opportunity for people of all ages and abilities to enjoy and learn from a series of hands-on experiences, focusing particularly on the environment and in the Victorian history and heritage of Richmond Park. The Centre, which is wheelchair-accessible throughout, [140] was opened in 1994. [127] It was founded by Mike Fitt OBE , [141] [127] who was then The Royal Parks' Superintendent of Richmond Park and later became Deputy Chief Executive of London's Royal Parks. A registered charity, [128] the Holly Lodge Centre received the Queen's Award for Voluntary Service in 2005.

Princess Alexandra has been Holly Lodge Centre's Royal Patron since 2007. [141] In 2011 she opened the Centre's Victorian-themed pharmacy, Mr Palmer's Chymist. This includes the original interior, artefacts and dispensing records dating from 1865, from a chemist's shop in Mortlake, and is used for educational activities. The Centre also includes a replica Victorian schoolroom, and a kitchen garden planted with varieties of vegetables used in Victorian times and herbs cultivated for their medicinal properties. [140]

Pembroke Lodge Edit

Pembroke Lodge and some associated houses stand in their own garden within the park. In 1847 Pembroke Lodge became the home of the then Prime Minister, Lord John Russell and was later the childhood home of his grandson, Bertrand Russell. It is now a popular restaurant with views across the Thames Valley.

Thatched House Lodge Edit

Thatched House Lodge was the London home of U.S. General Dwight D. Eisenhower during the Second World War. Since 1963 it has been the residence of Princess Alexandra, The Honourable Lady Ogilvy. The residence was originally built as two houses in 1673 for two Richmond Park Keepers, as Aldridge Lodge. Enlarged in 1727, the two houses were joined and renamed Thatched House Lodge in 1771 by Sir John Soane. The gardens include an 18th-century two-room thatched summer house which gave the main house its name.

White Lodge Edit

Built as a hunting lodge for George II by the architect Roger Morris, White Lodge was completed in 1730. Its many famous residents have included members of the Royal Family. The future Edward VIII was born at White Lodge in 1894 [142] and his brother Prince Albert, Duke of York (the future George VI), and the Duchess of York (later Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother), lived there in the 1920s. The Royal Ballet School (formerly Sadler's Wells Ballet) has been based since 1955 [108] at White Lodge where younger ballet students continue to be trained.

Bishop's Gate Lodge Edit

Bishop's Gate Lodge takes its name from a gamekeeper who was on the staff in the first half of the 19th century. A reference dated 1854 said that the keeper had had access to the lodge for the past fifty years. The lodge does not appear, though, on the 1813 plan of the park, but appears on the plans of 1850, and its layout seems to have changed little from that time. It forms part of a view over the park, and beyond, that is much favoured by amateur painters. [143]

Other buildings Edit

Oak Lodge, near Sidmouth Wood, was built in about 1852 as a home for the park bailiff, who was responsible for repair and maintenance in the park. [144] It is used by The Royal Parks as its base for a similar function today. [144]

There are also gate lodges at Chohole Gate, Kingston Gate, Robin Hood Gate, Roehampton Gate [145] and at Sheen Gate, which also has a bungalow (Sheen Gate Bungalow). [146] Ladderstile Cottage, at Ladderstile Gate, was built in the 1780s. [147]

Former buildings Edit

A map by John Eyre, "Plan of His Majesty's New Park", shows a summerhouse near Richmond Gate. [64]

Several buildings already existed within the park when it was created. One of these was a manor house at Petersham which was renamed Petersham Lodge. During the Commonwealth period it became accommodation for one of the park's deputy keepers, Lodowick Carlell (or Carlile), who was also a renowned playwright in his day, [148] and his wife, Joan Carlile, one of the first women to practise painting professionally. [149]

Elizabeth, Countess of Dysart, and her husband Sir Lionel Tollemache, took over Petersham Lodge when they became joint keepers of Richmond Park. After Tollemache's death the Lodge and its surrounding land were leased in 1686 to Lawrence Hyde, Earl of Rochester, whose sister Anne was married to the new king, James II. It became a private park and was subsequently landscaped. By 1692 Rochester had demolished the Lodge and replaced it with a splendid new mansion in his "New Park". In 1732, a new Petersham Lodge was built to replace it after a fire. [150] This Petersham Lodge was demolished in 1835. [78]

Professor Sir Richard Owen, the first Director of the Natural History Museum, lived at Sheen Cottage until his death in 1892. [151] The cottage was destroyed by enemy action in 1944. [152] The remains of the cottage can be seen in patches and irregularities in the wall 220 metres from Sheen Gate. [147]

A bandstand, similar to one in Kensington Gardens, was erected near Richmond Gate in 1931. In 1975, after many years of disuse, it was moved to Regent's Park. [153]

Viewpoints Edit

There is a protected view of St Paul's Cathedral from King Henry's Mound, and also from Sawyer's Hill a view of central London in which the London Eye, Tower 42 (formerly the NatWest Tower) and 30 St Mary Axe ("The Gherkin") appear to be close to one another. [154]

King Henry's Mound Edit

King Henry's Mound, which may have been a Neolithic burial barrow, [155] [156] was listed in 2020 by Historic England [3] along with another (unnamed) mound in the park which could be a long barrow. [4] [5] [6] King Henry's Mound is located within the public gardens of Pembroke Lodge. At various times the mound's name has been connected with Henry VIII or with his father Henry VII. [155] However, there is no evidence to support the legend that Henry VIII stood on the mound to watch for a sign from St Paul's that Anne Boleyn had been executed at the Tower and that he was then free to marry Jane Seymour. [155]

To the west of King Henry's Mound is a panorama of the Thames Valley. [154] St Paul's Cathedral, over 10 miles (16 km) to the east, can be seen through the naked eye or via a telescope that has been installed on the Mound. This vista, created soon after the cathedral was completed in 1710, [157] is protected by a "dome and a half" width of sky on either side. In 2005 the then Mayor of London, Ken Livingstone, sought to overturn this protection and reduce it to "half a dome". In 2009 his successor, Boris Johnson, promised to reinstate the wider view, though also approving a development at Victoria Station which, when completed, will obscure its right-hand corner. [158] New gates − "The Way" − which can be viewed through the King Henry's Mound telescope, were installed in 2012 on the edge of Sidmouth Wood to mark the 300th anniversary of St Paul's. [159]

In December 2016, it was reported that Manhattan Loft Gardens, a 42-storey 135m-tall apartment building under construction in Stratford, an area of London not covered by these planning restrictions, had "destroyed" the view from the park as it can now be seen behind the framed view of the cathedral's dome. The developers said that “Despite going through the correct planning processes in a public and transparent manner, at no point was the subject of visual impact to St Paul’s ever raised" by the Olympic Delivery Authority or the Greater London Authority and that they were looking into the issues raised by the development. [160]

In November 2017, the Friends of Richmond Park reported that their campaigning on the issue had resulted in the Mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, instructing London planners to consult the Greater London Authority on planning requests for high-rise buildings which, if built, could affect the visibility of St Paul's from established viewpoints. His instruction has now been incorporated into planning procedures across Greater London. [161]

Plantings and memorials Edit

The park's open slopes and woods are based on lowland acid soils. The grassland is mostly managed by grazing. The park contains numerous woods and copses, some created with donations from members of the public.

Between 1819 and 1835, Lord Sidmouth, Deputy Ranger, established several new plantations and enclosures, including Sidmouth Wood and the ornamental Isabella Plantation, both of which are fenced to keep the deer out. [62] [80] After World War II the existing woodland at Isabella Plantation was transformed into a woodland garden, and is organically run, resulting in a rich flora and fauna. Opened to the public in 1953, [162] it is now a major visitor attraction in its own right. It is best known for the flowering, in April and May, of its evergreen azaleas and camellias, which have been planted next to its ponds and streams. There are also many rare and unusual trees and shrubs. [163]

The Jubilee Plantation, created to commemorate the Golden Jubilee of Queen Victoria, was established in 1887. [164] Prince Charles' Spinney was planted out in 1951 [165] with trees protected from the deer by fences, to preserve a natural habitat. The bluebell glade is managed to encourage native British bluebells. Teck Plantation, established in 1905, [166] commemorates the Duke and Duchess of Teck, who lived at White Lodge. Their daughter Mary married George V. [125] Tercentenary Plantation, in 1937, [166] marked the 300th anniversary of the enclosure of the park. Victory Plantation was established in 1946 [166] to mark the end of the Second World War. Queen Mother's Copse, a small triangular enclosure on the woodland hill halfway between Robin Hood Gate and Ham Gate, was established in 1980 [166] to commemorate the 80th birthday of Queen Elizabeth The Queen Mother.

The park lost over 1000 mature trees during the Great Storm of 1987 and the Burns' Day Storm of 1990. The subsequent replanting included a new plantation, Two Storms Wood, a short distance into the park from Sheen Gate. Some extremely old trees can also be seen inside this enclosure. [18]

Bone Copse, which was named in 2005, was started by the Bone family in 1988 by purchasing and planting a tree from the park authorities in memory of Bessie Bone who died in that year. Trees have been added annually, and in 1994 her husband Frederick Bone also died. The annual planting has been continued by their children.

James Thomson and Poet's Corner Edit

Poet's Corner, an area at the north end of Pembroke Lodge Gardens, commemorates the poet James Thomson (1700–1748), who was living in Richmond at the time of his death. A bench inscribed with lines by Thomson and known as "Poet's seat" is located there. Sculpted by Richard Farrington, it was based on an idea by Jane Fowles. [167] [168]

A wooden memorial plaque with an ode to Thomson by the writer and historian John Heneage Jesse was formerly located near Pembroke Lodge stables, where it was installed in 1851. The plaque was replaced by the Selborne Society in 1895. [168]

In 2014 Poet's Corner was re-sited to the other side of the main path and the ode, on a re-gilded board, was installed in a completely new oak frame. The new Poet's Corner, funded by the Friends of Richmond Park and the Visitor Centre at Pembroke Lodge, and by a donation in memory of Wendy Vachell, also includes three curved benches made from reclaimed teak. The benches are inscribed with a couplet by the Welsh poet W. H. Davies, "A poor life this, if, full of care, we have no time to stand and stare". [169]

King Henry's Mound is inscribed with a few lines from Thomson's poem "The Seasons". [168]

Poet's Corner is linked to King Henry's Mound by The John Beer Laburnum Arch, named after one of Pembroke Lodge Gardens' former charge-hands. The arch has a display of yellow laburnum flowers in May. [170]

Ian Dury Edit

In 2002 a "musical bench", designed by Mil Stricevic, [171] was placed in a favoured viewing spot of rock singer and lyricist Ian Dury (1942–2000) near Poet's Corner. On the back of the bench are the words "Reasons to be cheerful", the title of one of Dury's songs. [168] The solar powered seat was intended to allow visitors to plug in and listen to eight of his songs as well as an interview, but was subjected to repeated vandalism. [172] In 2015 the bench was refurbished and the MP3 players and solar panels were replaced with metal plates on which a QR code can be scanned via a smartphone. Visitors can access nine Ian Dury and the Blockheads songs and hear Dury's Desert Island Discs interview with Sue Lawley, first broadcast on BBC Radio 4 on 15 December 1996. [173]

Wildlife Edit

Originally created for deer hunting, Richmond Park now has 630 red and fallow deer [174] that roam freely within much of the park. A cull takes place each November and February to ensure numbers can be sustained [175] about 200 deer are culled annually and the meat is sold to licensed game dealers. [176] [177] Some deer are also killed in road accidents, through ingesting litter such as small items of plastic, or by dogs. Many of the deer in Richmond Park are infected with a bacterium called Borrelia burgdorferi which can be transmitted to humans through a tick bite, causing Lyme disease. [178]

The park is an important refuge for other wildlife, including woodpeckers, squirrels, rabbits, snakes, frogs, toads, stag beetles and many other insects plus numerous ancient trees and varieties of fungi. It is particularly notable for its rare beetles. [14]

Richmond Park supports a large population of what are believed to be ring-necked (or rose-ringed) parakeets. These bred from birds that escaped or were freed from captivity. [179]

Ponds and streams Edit

There are about 30 ponds in the park. Some – including Barn Wood Pond, Bishop's Pond, Gallows Pond, Leg of Mutton Pond, Martin's Pond and White Ash Pond – have been created to drain the land or to provide water for livestock. The Pen Ponds (which in the past were used to rear carp for food) [180] date from 1746. [62] They were formed when a trench was dug in the early 17th century to drain a boggy area later in that century this was widened and deepened by the extraction of gravel for local building. The Ponds now take in water from streams flowing from the higher ground around them and release it to Beverley Brook. Beverley Brook and the two Pen Ponds are most visible areas of water in the park. [181]

Beverley Brook rises at Cuddington Recreation Ground in Worcester Park [182] and enters the park (where it is followed by the Tamsin Trail and Beverley Walk) at Robin Hood Gate, creating a water feature used by deer, smaller animals and water grasses and some water lilies. Its name is derived from the former presence in the river of the European beaver (Castor fiber), [183] a species extinct in Britain since the 16th century. [184]

Most of the streams in the park drain into Beverley Brook but a spring above Dann's Pond flows to join Sudbrook (from "South brook") on the park boundary. Sudbrook flows through a small valley known as Ham Dip and has been dammed and enlarged in two places to form Ham Dip Pond and Ham Gate Pond, first mapped in 1861 and 1754 respectively. These were created for the watering of deer. [185] Both ponds underwent restoration work including de-silting, which was completed in 2013. [186] Sudbrook drains the western escarpment of the hill that, to the east, forms part of the catchment of Beverley Brook and, to the south, the Hogsmill River. Sudbrook is joined by the Latchmere Stream just beyond Ham Gate Pond. Sudbrook then flows into Sudbrook Park, Petersham. Another stream rises north of Sidmouth Wood and goes through Conduit Wood towards the park boundary near Bog Gate. [181]

A separate water system for Isabella Plantation was developed in the 1950s. Water from the upper Pen Pond is pumped to Still Pond, Thomson's Pond and Peg's Pond. [181]

The park's newest pond is Attenborough Pond, opened by and named after the broadcaster and naturalist Sir David Attenborough in July 2014. [187] It was created as part of the park's Ponds and Streams Conservation Programme. [188]

The Hearsum Collection Edit

The Hearsum Collection is a registered charity [nb 2] that collects and preserves the heritage of Richmond Park. It has a collection, which was started by the late Daniel Hearsum in 1997, [190] of heritage material covering the last four centuries, with over 5000 items including antique prints, paintings, [191] maps, postcards, photographs, documents, books and press cuttings. Volunteers from the Friends of Richmond Park have been cataloguing them. [191] The Collection, which as of 2021 continues to be stored in unsatisfactory accommodation in Pembroke Lodge, [192] is overseen by volunteers and part-time staff. The trustees announced in 2014 plans for a new purpose-built heritage centre to provide full public access to the Collection. [192] [193] [194] [195]

In April 2017 the Collection, in collaboration with The Royal Parks and Ireland's Office of Public Works, mounted an exhibition at Dublin's Phoenix Park entitled Parks, Our Shared Heritage: The Phoenix Park, Dublin & The Royal Parks, London, demonstrating the historical links between Richmond Park (and other Royal Parks in London) and Phoenix Park. [196] This exhibition was also displayed at the Mall Galleries in London in July and August 2017. [197]

Literature Edit

Fiction Edit

Chapter 22 of George MacDonald's novel The Marquis of Lossie (published in London in 1877 by Hurst and Blackett) [198] is entitled "Richmond Park". [199]

Isabella Plantation in Richmond Park is the scene of a picnic and a child's disappearance in chapters 9 and 10 of Chris Cleave's 2008 novel The Other Hand. [201] Richmond Park features in Jacqueline Wilson's novel Lily Alone (2010) and in the poetry anthology she edited, Green Glass Beads (2011). [202]

Novelist Shena Mackay was commissioned by The Royal Parks to write a short story about Richmond Park named The Running of the Deer which was published in 2009. [203] [204]

Anthony Horowitz's 2014 novel Moriarty, about Arthur Conan Doyle's character in his Sherlock Holmes stories, includes a scene set in Richmond Park. [205]

Non-fiction Edit

A Hind in Richmond Park by William Henry Hudson, published in 1922 and republished in 2006, is an extended natural history essay. It includes an account of his visits to Richmond Park and a particular occasion when a young girl was struck by a red deer when she tried to feed it an acorn. [206]

Art Edit

17th century Edit

The oil painting The Carlile Family with Sir Justinian Isham in Richmond Park is held at Lamport Hall in Northamptonshire. [207] It was painted by Joan Carlile (1600–1679) who lived at Petersham Lodge. [149]

18th and 19th centuries Edit

A portrait by T Stewart (a pupil of Sir Joshua Reynolds) in 1758 of John Lewis, Brewer of Richmond, Surrey, whose legal action forced Princess Amelia to reinstate pedestrian access to the park, is in the Richmond upon Thames Borough Art Collection. It is on display in Richmond Reference Library. [208]

Joseph Allen's Sir Robert Walpole (1676–1745), 1st Earl of Orford, KG, as Ranger of Richmond Park (after Jonathan Richardson the Elder) is in the collection of the National Trust, and is held at Erddig, Wrexham. [209] The painting is based on a portrait with a similar title, by Jonathan Richardson the Elder and John Wootton, which is held at Norwich Castle Museum and Art Gallery. [210]

Artist and caricaturist Thomas Rowlandson (1756–1827)'s drawing Richmond Park is at the Yale Center for British Art. [211]

The Earl of Dysart's Family in Richmond Park by William Frederick Witherington (1785–1865) is in The Hearsum Collection at Pembroke Lodge. [212]

Landscape: View in Richmond Park was painted in 1850 by the English Romantic painter John Martin. It is held at the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge. [213]

William Bennett's watercolour In Richmond Park, painted in 1852, is held by Tate Britain. It can be viewed, by appointment, at its Prints and Drawings Rooms. [214]

The oil painting In Richmond Park (1856) by the Victorian painter Henry Moore is in the collection of the York Museums Trust. [215] [216]

Landscape with Deer, Richmond Park (1875) by Alfred Dawson is in the Reading Museum's collection. [217]

John Buxton Knight's White Lodge, Richmond Park, painted in 1898, is in the collection of Leeds Museums and Galleries. [218]

20th and 21st centuries Edit

The oil painting Richmond Park (1913) by Arthur George Bell is in the collection of the London Transport Museum. [219]

Spencer Gore's painting Richmond Park, thought to have been painted in the autumn of 1913 or shortly before the artist's death in March 1914, was exhibited at the Paterson and Carfax Gallery [220] in 1920. In 1939 it was exhibited in Warsaw, Helsingfors and Stockholm by the British Council as Group of Trees. [221] It is now in the collection of the Tate Gallery under its original title but is not currently on display. [221] The painting is one of a series of landscapes painted in Richmond Park during the last months of Gore's life. [222] According to Tate curator Helena Bonett, Gore's early death from pneumonia, two months before what would have been his 36th birthday, was brought on by his painting outdoors in Richmond Park in the cold and wet winter months. [223] It is not certain where in the park the picture was made but a row of trees close to the pond near Cambrian Gate has a very close resemblance to those in the painting. [224] Another Gore painting, with the same title (Richmond Park), painted in 1914, is at the Ashmolean Museum. His painting Wood in Richmond Park is in the Birmingham Art Gallery's collection. [225]

The oil painting Autumn, Richmond Park by Alfred James Munnings is at the Sir Alfred Munnings Art Museum in Colchester. [226]

Chinese artist Chiang Yee wrote and illustrated several books while living in Britain. Deer in Richmond Park is Plate V in his book The Silent Traveller in London, published in 1938. [227]

Trees, Richmond Park, Surrey, painted in 1938 by Francis Ferdinand Maurice Cook, is in the Manchester Art Gallery's collection. [228]

Richmond Park No 2 by the English Impressionist painter Laura Knight is at the Royal Academy of Arts. [229]

In Richmond Park (1962) by James Andrew Wykeham Simons is at the UCL Art Museum at University College London. [230]

Kenneth Armitage (1916–2002) made a series of sculptures and drawings of oak trees in Richmond Park between 1975 and 1986. [231] His collage and etching Richmond Park: Tall Figure with Jerky Arms (1981) is in the British Government Art Collection and is on display at the British Embassy in Prague. [232] The Government Art Collection also holds his Richmond Park: Two Trees with White Trunks (1975), [233] Richmond Park: Five Trees, Grey Sky (1979) [234] and his sculpture Richmond Oak (1985–86). [235]

Richmond Park Morning, London (2004) by Bob Rankin is at Queen Mary's Hospital, Roehampton, [236] which also holds a panel of five oil paintings by Yvonne Fletcher entitled Richmond Park, London (2005–06). [237]

Historic posters Edit

The Underground Electric Railways Company published, in 1911, a poster, Richmond Park, designed by Charles Sharland. This is at the London Transport Museum, [238] which also has: a District line poster from 1908, Richmond Park for pleasure and fresh air, by an unknown artist [239] Richmond Park, by an unknown artist (1910) [240] Richmond by Underground, by Alfred France (1910) [241] Richmond Park, by Arthur G Bell (1913) [242] Richmond Park humours no. 10 by German American puppeteer and illustrator Tony Sarg (1913) [243] Richmond Park by tram, by Charles Sharland (1913) [244] Richmond Park, by Harold L Oakley (1914) [245] Natural history of London no. 3, herons at Richmond Park, by Edwin Noble (1916) [246] Richmond Park by Emilio Camilio Leopoldo Tafani (1920) [247] Rambles in Richmond Park, by Freda Lingstrom (1924) [248] Richmond Park by Charles Paine (1925) [249] and Richmond Park, a poster commissioned by London Transport in 1938 and illustrated by the artist Dame Laura Knight. [250]

Film Edit

Richmond Park has been a location for several films and TV series:

  • A locomotive runs through the park and crashes into a tree in the Ealing Studios comedy film The Titfield Thunderbolt (1953). [251]
  • In the 1968 film Performance, James Fox crosses Richmond Park in a Rolls Royce car. [251]
  • The park was the backdrop for the classic historical film Anne of the Thousand Days (1969), [252] with Richard Burton and Geneviève Bujold, which looks back to what is now Richmond in the 16th century. The film tells the story of King Henry VIII's courtship of Anne Boleyn and their brief marriage.
  • An Indian dust storm was filmed in the park for the film Heat and Dust (1983). [251]
  • The Royal Ballet School in Richmond Park featured in the film Billy Elliot (2000). [251][253]
  • In 2010, director Guy Ritchie filmed parts of Sherlock Holmes: A Game of Shadows (2011) in the park with Robert Downey, Jr. and Jude Law. [254]
  • Some of the scenes from Into the Woods (2014), the Disney fantasy film featuring Meryl Streep, [255] were filmed in the park. [256][257]
  • Richmond Park was the setting for some scenes in the 2018 family comedy film Patrick. [258][259]

As well as a location for films, Richmond Park is regularly featured in television programmes, corporate videos and fashion shoots. It has made an appearance on Blue Peter, Inside Out (the BBC regional current affairs programme) and Springwatch (the BBC natural history series). [252] In 2014 it was featured in a video commissioned by The Hearsum Collection. [192] Most recently it was the subject of nature documentary Richmond Park – National Nature Reserve, presented by Sir David Attenborough and produced by the Friends of Richmond Park, which has won the best "Longform" film in the 2018 national Charity Film Awards. [260] [261]

Richmond Park, Brunswick, Germany Edit

The "Richmond Park" in Germany is named after the park in Britain and was created in 1768 in Brunswick for Princess Augusta, sister of George III. She was married to the Duke of Brunswick and was feeling homesick, so an English-style park was designed by Lancelot "Capability" Brown and a palace built for her, both with the name "Richmond". [262] [263]

In 1935, the palace including the entire estate was purchased by the City of Braunschweig. One condition for the purchase was that no structural changes ever be made and the park not be built on. The palace, which was rebuilt after the Second World War and reconstructed in 1987 to the historic original design, is now used for public events. [263] The nearly four-hectare (10 acre) park has been open to the public since 1964.

Horse Drawn Street Car

Horse drawn street cars rapidly replaced the omni-buses. This photo is labeled 1876, 66th and Haverford Ave. The car is on a line going from Haddington, a village on the western edge of Philadelphia, to the Centennial Buildings.

On July 2, 1858, the West Philadelphia Passenger Railroad opened for business after the completion of the laying of tracks from 3rd Street along Market across the Permanent Bridge to 41st in West Philadelphia further track extended north to a depot at Haverford Avenue and along Haverford to the city’s western boundary.59 Horse-drawn omnibuses on the tracks now carried numbers of passengers in a regular and swift fashion.


On August 30, 2020 the Miꞌkmaw Nation and the Nova Scotia provincial government reached an historic agreement, affirming that the Miꞌkmaw Grand Council was the official consultative authority that engages with the Canadian federal government and the provincial government of Nova Scotia. [12] The Miꞌkmaq–Nova Scotia–Canada Tripartite Forum preceded the agreement. [12] The August 2020 agreement is the first such collaborative agreement in Canadian history it includes representation for all the First Nations within the entire province of Nova Scotia. [12]

Historically the Santé Mawiómi, or Grand Council, which was made up of chiefs of the district councils of Miꞌkmaꞌki, was the traditional senior level of government for the Miꞌkmaw people. The 1876 Indian Act disrupted that authority, by requiring First Nations to establish representative elected governments and attempting to limit the Council's role to that of spiritual guidance. [15] [16]

In addition to the district councils, the Mꞌikmaq have been traditionally governed by a Grand Council or Santé Mawiómi. The Grand Council was composed of Keptinaq ("captains" in English), who were the district chiefs. There were also elders, the putús (wampum belt readers and historians, who also dealt with the treaties with the non-natives and other Native tribes), the women's council, and the grand chief. The grand chief was a title given to one of the district chiefs, who was usually from the Miꞌkmaw district of Unamáki or Cape Breton Island. This title was hereditary within a clan and usually passed on to the grand chief's eldest son.

On June 24, 1610, Grand Chief Membertou converted to Catholicism and was baptised. He concluded an alliance with the French Jesuits. The Miꞌkmaq, as trading allies of the French, were amenable to limited French settlement in their midst.

Gabriel Sylliboy (1874 – 1964), a respected Mi'kmaq religious leader and traditional Grand Chief of the Council, was elected as the Council's Grand Chief in 1918. Repeatedly re-elected, he held this position for the rest of his life. [17]

In 1927, Grand Chief Sylliboy was charged by Nova Scotia with hunting muskrat pelts out of season. He was the first to use the rights defined in the Treaty of 1752 in his court defence. He lost his case. In 1985, the Supreme Court of Canada finally recognized the 1752 treaty rights for indigenous hunting and fishing in their ruling on R. v. Simon. [18] On the 50th anniversary of Sylliboy's death, the Grand Council asked the Nova Scotia government for a pardon for the late Grand Chief. Premier Stephen McNeil granted the posthumous pardon in 2017. [17] Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, John James Grant, McNeil, and the Justice Minister Diana Whalen, pardoned Sylliboy and issued a formal apology: it was the "second posthumous pardon in Nova Scotia's history". [17] His grandson, Andrew Denny, now the Grand Keptin of the Council, said that his grandfather had "commanded respect. Young people who were about to get married would go and ask for his blessing. At the Chapel Island Mission boats would stop if he was crossing." [17]

Traditionally, the Grand Council met on a small island, Mniku, on the Bras d'Or lake in Cape Breton. In the early 21st century, this site is now within the reserve known as Chapel Island or Potlotek. The Grand Council continues to meet at Mniku to discuss current issues within the Miꞌkmaq Nation.

Taqamkuk (Newfoundland) was historically defined as part of Unamaꞌkik territory. (Later the large island was organized as a separate district in the province of Newfoundland and Labrador.)

According to the 2016 census, of the total population of 168,420 Miꞌkmaq, 7,140 or 4% identified as speakers of the Miꞌkmaq language. [19] [20]

Hieroglyphic writing Edit

The Mi'kmaq language was written using Miꞌkmaq hieroglyphic writing. Today it is written mainly using letters of the Latin alphabet.

At the Kejimkujik National Park and National Historic Site, petroglyphs of "life-ways of the Mi'kmaw", include written hieroglyphics, human figures, Mi'kmaq houses and lodges, decorations including crosses, sailing vessels, and animals, etched into slate rocks. These are attributed to the Mi'kmaw, who have continuously inhabited the area since prehistoric times. [21] : 1 The petroglyphs date from the late prehistoric period through the nineteenth century. [21] : 32

Jerry Lonecloud (1854 – 1930, Mi'kmaq) is considered the "ethnographer of the Micmac nation". In 1912 he transcribed some of the Kejimkujik petroglyphs, and donated his works to the Nova Scotia Museum. [21] : 6 He is credited with the first Mi'kmaq memoir, which was recorded from his oral history in the 1920s. [22]

In the late 1670s, French missionary Chrestien Le Clercq, who was working in the Gaspé Peninsula, was inspired by hieroglyphics made by a young Mi'kmaq using charcoal on birchbark. Leclercq adopted the use of Mi'kmaq hieroglyphs to teach Catholic prayers and hymns to the people in their own form of language. [23]

Christian Kauder was a missionary in Miꞌkmaꞌki from 1856 to 1871. He included samples of Mi'kmaq hieroglyphic writing, such as the Holy Mary Rosary prayer and the "Our Father", in his German Christian catechism published in 1866. [24]

David L. Schmidt and Murdena Marshall published some of the prayers, narratives, and liturgies represented in hieroglyphs—pictographic symbols in a 1995 book. As noted, the pre-contact Mi'kmaq developed these hieroglyphs. French Jesuit missionaries adopted their use to teach Catholic prayers and religion to the Mi'kmaw. [25] Schmidt and Marshall showed that these hieroglyphics served as a fully functional writing system. [25] They assert it is the oldest writing system for an indigenous language in North America north of Mexico. [25]

Etymology of the word Miꞌkmaq Edit

By the 1980s, the spelling of the ethnonym Miꞌkmaq, which is preferred by the Miꞌkmaw people, was widely adopted by scholarly publications and the media. It replaced the previous spelling Micmac. [26] : 3 [Notes 1] Although this older spelling is still in use, the Miꞌkmaq consider the spelling "Micmac" to be "tainted" by colonialism. [27] The "q" ending is used in the plural form of the noun, and Miꞌkmaw is used as singular of Miꞌkmaq. It is also used as an adjective, for example, "the Miꞌkmaw nation". [28]

The Miꞌkmaq prefer to use one of the three current Miꞌkmaq orthographies when writing the language. [29] [Notes 2] Other spellings used by Mi'kmaq people include Miꞌkmaq (singular Miꞌkmaw) in Prince Edward Island, Nova Scotia and Newfoundland Miigmaq (Miigmao) in New Brunswick Miꞌgmaq by the Listuguj Council in Quebec and Mìgmaq (Mìgmaw) in some native literature. [27]

Lnu (the adjectival and singular noun, previously spelled "L'nu" the plural is Lnúk, Lnuꞌk, Lnuꞌg, or Lnùg) is the term the Miꞌkmaq use for themselves, their autonym, meaning "human being" or "the people". [30] Members of the Miꞌkmaq historically referred to themselves as Lnu, but used the term níkmaq (my kin) as a greeting. [31]

The French initially referred to the Miꞌkmaq as Souriquois [32] and later as Gaspesiens. Adopting a term from the English, they referred to them as Mickmakis. The British originally referred to the people as Tarrantines, which appears to have a French basis. [33]

Various explanations exist for the rise of the term Miꞌkmaq. The Miꞌkmaw Resource Guide says that "Miꞌkmaq" means "the family". [34] [Notes 3] The Anishinaabe refer to the Miꞌkmaq as Miijimaa(g), meaning "The Brother(s)/Ally(ies)", with the use of the nX prefix m-, opposed to the use of n1 prefix n- (i.e. Niijimaa(g), "my brother(s)/comrade(s)") or the n3 prefix w- (i.e., Wiijimaa(g), "brother(s)/compatriot(s)/comrade(s)"). [35]

Charles Aubert de La Chesnaye was documented as the first European to record the term "Micmac" for the people, using it in his 1676 memoir. Marion Robertson stated this in the book Red Earth: Tales of the Mi'kmaq (1960s), published by the Nova Scotia Museum, [36] : 5 [36] : 5 Robertson cites Professor Ganong, who suggested that "Micmac" was derived from the Mi'kmaq word megamingo (earth). Marc Lescarbot had also suggested this. [36] : 5

The Mi'kmaq may have identified as "the Red Earth People, or the People of the Red Earth". [36] Megumaagee, the name the Mi'kmaq used to describe their land, and Megumawaach, what they called themselves, were linked to the words megwaak, which refers to the colour red, and magumegek, "on the earth". [36] : 5 Rand translated megakumegek as "red on the earth", "red ground", or "red earth". [36] : 5 Other suggestions from Robertson include its origin in nigumaach, which means "my brother" or "my friend", or a term of endearment. [36] Stansbury Hagar suggested in Micmac Magic and Medicine that the word megumawaach is from megumoowesoo, in reference to magic. [36]

Miꞌkmaw territory, known as Miꞌkma'ki, is traditionally divided into seven districts. Prior to the imposition of the Indian Act, each district had its own independent government and boundaries. The independent governments had a district chief and a council. The council members were band chiefs, elders, and other worthy community leaders. The district council was charged with performing all the duties of any independent and free government by enacting laws, justice, apportioning fishing and hunting grounds, making war and suing for peace.

The eight Miꞌkmaw districts (including Ktaqmkuk which is often not counted) are Epekwitk aq Piktuk (Epegwitg aq Pigtug), Eskikewaꞌkik (Esgeꞌgewaꞌgi), Kespek (Gespeꞌgewaꞌgi), Kespukwitk (Gespugwitg), Siknikt (Signigtewaꞌgi), Sipekniꞌkatik (Sugapuneꞌgati), Ktaqmkuk (Gtaqamg), and Unamaꞌkik (Unamaꞌgi). The orthography between parentheses is the Listuguj orthography used in the Gespeꞌgewaꞌgi area.

Tripartite Forum Edit

In 1997, the Miꞌkmaq–Nova Scotia–Canada Tripartite Forum was established. On August 31, 2010, the governments of Canada and Nova Scotia signed a historic agreement with the Miꞌkmaw Nation, establishing a process whereby the federal government must consult with the Miꞌkmaw Grand Council before engaging in any activities or projects that affect the Miꞌkmaq in Nova Scotia. This covers most, if not all, actions these governments might take within that jurisdiction. This is the first such collaborative agreement in Canadian history including all the First Nations within an entire province. [12]

Marshall Decision Edit

On September 17, 1999, the Supreme Court of Canada upheld the treaty rights of Miꞌkmaw Donald Marshall Jr. its landmark R v Marshall ruling, which "affirmed a treaty right to hunt, fish and gather in pursuit of a 'moderate livelihood'." [38] The Supreme Court also cited Section 35 of the 1982 Constitution Act in their 1999 ruling that resulted in Mi'kmaq, Maliseet, and Peskotomuhkati people the "right to hunt, fish and gather in pursuit of a 'moderate livelihood' from the resources of the land and waters." [39] The legal precedent had previously been established in the Treaty of 1752, one in a series of treaties known as the Peace and Friendship Treaties, [38] but was not being respected prior to R v Marshall. [38] This resulted in the 1993 charges laid against Marshall Jr. for "fishing eels out of season, fishing without a licence, and fishing with an illegal net". [40] In the 2018 publication, Truth and conviction: Donald Marshall Jr. and the Mi'kmaw quest for justice, Marshall was quoted as saying, "I don’t need a licence. I have the 1752 Treaty." [41] The 1989 Royal Commission on the Donald Marshall, Jr. Prosecution resulted in a compensation to Marshall of a lifetime pension of $1.5 million. [42] [41] Marshall used the financial compensation to finance the lengthy and costly Supreme Court case. [39] When Marshall won, 34 Mi'kmaw and Maliseet First Nations bands were affected in the provinces of New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, Nova Scotia, and the Gaspé region of Quebec. [38] The West Nova Fishermen's Coalition submitted an appeal asking for the Marshall decision to be set aside. [40] In November 17, 1999, released a new ruling —Marshall 2—to clarify that the DFO had the power to regulate the fishery for conservation purposes if it "consulted with the First Nation and could justify the regulations". [43] [Notes 4]

Soon after the September 17 decision, Miramichi Bay— "one of Canada's most lucrative lobster fisheries"— [ citation needed ] became the site of a violent conflict between Mi'kmaw fishers and non-Mi'kmaw commercial fishers. Immediately after the ruling, Mi'kmaw fishers began to lay lobster traps out of season. Incidents such as the Burnt Church Crisis were widely covered by the media from 1999 and 2002. [39] On October 3, 1999, non-Indigenous commercial fishers in 150 boats destroyed hundreds of Mi'kmaw lobster traps, then returned to shore and vandalized fishing equipment, as well as three fish plants. [44] This was captured and documented in the 2002 National Film Board feature-length documentary Is the Crown at war with us? by Alanis Obomsawin. The documentary also described how Ocean and Fisheries department officials seemed to "wage a war" on the Mi'kmaw fishermen of Burnt Church, New Brunswick with "helicopters, patrol boats, guns, with observation by airplanes and dozens of RCMP officers". [45] The documentary asks why the fishers were being harassed for "exercising rights that had been affirmed by the highest court in the land." [45] Following lengthy negotiations with the Mi'kmaq, the DFO developed the $160 million Marshall Response Initiative, which operated until 2007, through which the DFO offered to purchase over 1,000 commercial fishing licences, including boats and gear, to support the expansion of the Mi'kmaw lobster fishery. By mid-2000, about 1,400 commercial fishermen stated their intention to retire over 5,000 licences. [44] On August 20, 2001, the DFO issued a temporary license to Burnt Church Mi'kmaw fishers while negotiations for a more permanent agreement were underway. [44] The DFO license had restrictions that some Burnt Church fishers refused— the fishers could not sell their lobsters, they could only use them for food, social, and ceremonial (FSC) purposes. [44] The "Aboriginal right to fish for food, social and ceremonial purposes (FSC)" was confirmed in the landmark 1990 R. v. Sparrow Supreme Court case which cited section 35 of the 1982 Constitution Act, 1982. [Notes 5] In May 2003, the House of Commons' Standing Committee On Fisheries And Oceans chaired by MP Tom Wappel, submitted its report on fisheries issues, which "recommended that all charges stemming from the [confrontation over the lobster fisheries]" be dropped and that the fishers should be compensated by federal government for "their lost traps and boats." [46] The report said that Mi'kmaw fishers have the "same season as non-native fishermen" and could not therefore, fish in the fall. It recommended that "native bands be issued licences, which they would distribute to native fishermen." [46]

On the tenth anniversary of the benchmark decision, CBC News reported that "Maritime waters" were "calm a decade after Marshall decision." [40]

However, by 2020, the Fish Buyers' Licensing and Enforcement Regulations, under the 1996 N.S. Fisheries and Coastal Resources Act, remains in effect—as it does in other Atlantic provinces. [47] [48] These regulations do not mention the Mi'kmaq or the Marshall decision. These regulations prevent Mi'kmaw lobster fishers from selling their lobster to non-Mi'kmaq. Mi'kmaw fishers say that this does not align with the Marshall decision. [49] In 2019, the government of the Listuguj First Nation in the Bay of Chaleur developed their own self-regulated lobster fisheries management plan and opened their own lobster fishery in the fall of 2020. [49] Under the existing Fish Buyers' Licensing Regulations the self-regulated Listuguj fisheries can harvest, but can only use the lobster for "food, social and ceremonial purposes". [49]

According to Chief Terry Paul of Membertou First Nation, early in 2020, a negotiator for the DFO had offered Nova Scotia First Nations nearly $87 million for boats, gear, and training, with the condition that the First Nations would not practice their treaty right to earn a moderate livelihood fishing (ie out of the DFO season) for a period of 10 years. The proposal did not define "moderate livelihood", and was rejected. [50]

On November 9, 2020, a group of Miꞌkmaq First Nations and Premium Brands Holdings Corporation announced their $1 billion purchase of Clearwater Seafoods, which was finalised on January 25, 2021. The group of First Nations includes Sipekne’katik, We’koqma’q, Potlotek, Pictou Landing, and Paqtnkek First Nations, and is led by Membertou and Miapukek First Nations. [51] The purchase represents the "largest investment in the seafood industry by a Canadian Indigenous group". The harvest of non-Indigenous fishermen in the region will now be purchased by Clearwater Seafoods' Miꞌkmaq part owners. [52]

Dispute over rights-based inshore lobster fishery (2020–present) Edit

Background Edit

Starting in September 2020, there has been an ongoing highly-charged conflict in St. Marys Bay, Nova Scotia— the Kespukwitk (also spelled Gespogoitnag) district of Mi'kma'ki— between Miꞌkmaw and non-Miꞌkmaw lobster fishers engaged in the inshore fishery, that is rooted in the Marshall decision, and exacerbated by decades of various levels of government and authorities, mishandling and neglecting local concerns, according to the media. [53] The inshore fishery is the last small-scale fishery in Nova Scotia. [ citation needed ] St. Marys Bay is part of Lobster Fishing Area (LFA) 34, making it the "largest lobster fishing area in Canada with more than 900 licensed commercial fishermen harvesting from the southern tip of Nova Scotia up to Digby in the Bay of Fundy." [54] It is also "one of the most lucrative fishing areas in Canada". [55] DFO reported that as of December 2019, there were 979 commercial lobster licenses in LFA 34. [55] In September 2020, following the opening of their own fishery, Sipekne'katik First Nation had issued seven lobster licenses to band members— each license has 50 tags— representing a combined total of 350 tags. One commercial lobster license represents 350 tags. [55]

Although the Mi'kmaw fishers have been granted access by the Department of Fisheries and Oceans Canada (DFO) to the "commercial fishery through communal licences operated by the bands", Canada has never fully implemented the Marshall Decision. [53]

Violence Edit

On September 11, Sipekne'katik First Nation Chief Michael Sack sent a letter to Premier Stephen McNeil, DFO Minister Bernadette Jordan and Nova Scotia RCMP Commanding Officer Lee Bergerman, calling for them “to uphold the rule of law amid ongoing violence, threats, human rights discrimination and ongoing failure to uphold the 1999 Supreme Court of Canada decision in R. v. Marshall, recognizing the Mi’kmaq right to fish and trade.” By that point, vehicles and property belonging to members of the Sipekne'katik First Nation had already been damaged and stolen, including boats being burned. There were already planned protests by non-Indigenous fishers to block the Mi'kmaw fishers' access to several wharves. [56] One such protest took place on September 15 at Saulnierville and Weymouth wharves. [57]

On September 17, Sipekne'katik launched a "moderate livelihood fishery" with a ceremony at the Saulnierville wharf, the first lobster fishery regulated by Miꞌkmaq in Nova Scotia. On September 18, the Assembly of Nova Scotia Miꞌkmaw Chiefs declared a province-wide state of emergency in response to threats by commercial and non-indigenous fishers, including some that had cut the Miꞌkmaw lobster traps. [53] On September 25, the Sipekne'katik fishery released its proposed regulations allowing the legal sale of seafood harvested under the fishery to Indigenous and non-Indigenous consumers and wholesalers. However, at the time of the announcement, Nova Scotia's Fisheries and Coastal Resources Act prohibited anyone in Nova Scotia from purchasing fish from "a person who does not hold a valid commercial fishing license issued by Fisheries and Oceans Canada," which would include the fishery. [49]

On October 1, Potlotek First Nation and Eskasoni First Nation [58] launched their own moderate livelihood fishery in a celebration at Battery Provincial Park that coincided with Mi'kmaq Treaty Day. The management plan behind this fishery had been in development for three months, prompted by the seizure of lobster traps by DFO officials. Community licenses issued through this fishery will entitle fishers to 70 tags, and boats will be allowed to carry up to 200 lobster traps each. At the time of the launch of the Potlotek fishery, Membertou was also planning on launching their own fishery, following a similar plan. [50] After the launch of this fishery, DFO officers continued to seize Mi'kmaw traps. [58]

Harassment around the Sipekne'katik fishery continued through October. On October 5, Sipekne'katik fisher Robert Syliboy, a holder of one of the moderate livelihood fishery's licenses, found his boat at the Comeauville wharf destroyed in a suspicious fire. [59] On the evening of October 13, several hundred non-Indigenous fishers and their supporters raided two storage facilities in New Edinburgh and Middle West Pubnico that were being used by Miꞌkmaw fishers to store lobsters. During the raids, a van was set aflame, another vehicle was defaced and damaged, lobsters being stored in the facilities were destroyed, and the New Edinburgh facility was damaged, while a Miꞌkmaw fisher was forced to barricade himself inside the facility in Middle West Pubnico. Indigenous leaders called the raids racist hate crimes and called on the RCMP to intervene, citing their slow response on the evening and lack of arrests even a day after the police claimed they "witnessed criminal activity". Social media posts from the commercial fishers and their supporters claimed that the lobsters taken in the raids were removed as they represented "bad fishing practices" on the part of the Miꞌkmaq, but Sipekne'katik Chief Mike Sack and a worker at the Middle West Pubnico facility claimed the lobsters that were stored there were caught by the commercial fishers, not Miꞌkmaw. Assembly of First Nations national chief Perry Bellegarde, federal Fisheries minister Bernadette Jordan, and Colin Sproul, president of the Bay of Fundy Inshore Fishermen's Association, all condemned the violence. Nova Scotia Premier Stephen McNeil maintained his position that this issue must be solved federally when asked about it at a press conference. [60] Several months later, in January 2021, the manager of the Middle West Pubnico facility, James Muise, made a public post in a Facebook group for commercial fishers, claiming that he gave the people involved in the raids permission to enter the facility and take the lobsters. Muise offered to work with people charged with offenses connected to the raids and try to get those charges dropped. [61]

Chief Mike Sack was sucker punched while trying to give a press conference on October 14. [62] Also during the violence, an elder had sage knocked out of her hand while smudging, and a woman was grabbed by the neck. [63]

On October 15, the Miꞌkmaq Warrior Peacekeepers arrived at the Saulnierville wharf with the intention of providing protection to Miꞌkmaq who were continuing to fish amid the violence. [63]

On Friday, October 16, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said that his government was "extremely active" in trying to de-escalate the situation. He also stated that he expected the police to be keeping people safe, and acknowledged concerns that the police had not been doing so. [63]

Three days after the initial raids on the storage facilities, on the evening of October 16, the Middle West Pubnico facility was destroyed in a large fire, deemed "suspicious" by the RCMP. One man was taken to hospital with life-threatening injuries after the fire, but the RCMP did not provide details regarding the man's association to the lobster pound, other than that he was not an employee. [62] The destruction led to further calls from Chief Sack for increased police presence, as well as an appeal from the Maritime Fisherman's Union for the federal government to appoint an independent mediator. [64] [62]

On October 16, Mi'kmaw lobster fishers from the Sipekne'katik First Nation quickly sold all their lobsters after setting up shop in front of the Province House in Halifax with potential customers lined up around the block. [65] The fishers said they were putting pressure on Premier McNeil to act. [65]

On October 17, Nova Scotia Premier Stephen McNeil, released a Twitter statement requesting that the federal government define "what constitutes legal harvesting in a "moderate livelihood" fishery. [11]

On October 21, Sipekne'katik managed to secure an interim injunction against the restriction of band members' access to the Saulnierville and Weymouth wharves, as well as the New Edinburgh lobster pound. The motion for the injunction was filed ex parte due to the urgency of the situation, as the band was struggling to sell any of their catch in the midst of the violence and protests. The injunction will remain in place until December 15, 2020. [66]

In January 2021, 23 people were charged in connection to the violence at the lobster storage facilities on October 13, 2020: 15 for break-and-enter and 8 for break-and-enter and mischief. [61] Their court date is set for March 29, 2021. [67]

Intimidation over the fishery dispute has continued into 2021. In mid-January, lobster harvester and Sipekne'katik citizen Jolene Marr, whose brother was surrounded in the West Pubnico lobster pound on October 13, was sent a seven second-long close-up video of a man's face that included what "sounds like a racial slur and six gunshots in the background." [67]

Legal action Edit

On March 26, 2021, 43 Mi'kmaw lobster fishers from the Sipekne'katik First Nation filed a statement of claim against the attorney general of Canada, the RCMP, the DFO, and 29 non-Indigenous fishers including the Bay of Fundy Inshore Fishermen's Association (BFIFA). The claim alleges that the non-Indigenous fishers named as defendants took the law into their own hands and engaged in violence against the moderate livelihood fishery, that they were encouraged to do so by BFIFA, and that the DFO and RCMP contributed to the harm by not intervening in the foreseeable violence. [68]

Talks with DFO Edit

On October 23, 2020 the Mi'kmaw Rights Initiative (known as the KMKNO for "Kwilmu'kw Maw-klusuaqn Negotiation Office") announced that talks with the DFO over defining "moderate livelihood" had broken down. The following Wednesday (October 28), Terry Paul, chief of Membertou First Nation, stepped down from his position with KMKNO and the Assembly of Nova Scotia Mi'kmaw Chiefs, saying "[his] confidence in the operations of the organization [sic] have weakened over time," citing issues of transparency, and preferring to pursue treaty rights negotiations outside of the Assembly. [58] Membertou's withdrawal follows Sipekne'katik's own withdrawal earlier in the month on October 6, leaving the Assembly as a representative of 10 of the 13 Mi'kmaw First Nation bands (Millbrook having also withdrawn earlier). According to Paul, when he talked with the other ANSMC Chiefs about his decision, there seemed to be a willingness to deal with the issues he had identified in the negotiation process, so that he could rejoin shortly. [69]

Fisheries Minister Bernadette Jordan sent a letter to Chief Mike Sack on March 3, 2021, outlining the terms under which a moderate livelihood fishery could be negotiated, and what the federal government would be "prepared" to allow the letter proposed balancing "additional First Nations access through already available licences" and stated that "these fisheries will operate within established seasons." These terms were rejected by Chief Sack, who stated that "we have a management plan that is better for conservation than theirs is, so we’re going to follow our own plan." [70]

Truth and Reconciliation Commission Edit

In 2005, Nova Scotian Miꞌkmaw Nora Bernard led the largest class-action lawsuit in Canadian history, representing an estimated 79,000 survivors of the Canadian Indian residential school system. The Government of Canada settled the lawsuit for upwards of CA$5 billion . [71] [72] : 190

In the fall of 2011, there was an Indian Residential Schools Truth and Reconciliation Commission that travelled to various communities in Atlantic Canada, who were all served by the Shubenacadie Indian Residential School, the sole residental school for the region. In his 2004 book entitled Legacies of the Shubenacadie Residential School, journalist Chris Benjamin wrote about the "raw wounds" of Miꞌkmaw children who attended the Shubenacadie institution in the period spanning over three decades—from 1930 through 1967. [72] : 195

Miꞌkmaq Kinaꞌ matnewey Edit

The first Miꞌkmaq-operated school in Nova Scotia—the Miꞌkmaq Kinaꞌ matnewey, [72] : 208 was established in 1982 he result of a collaboration between the Miꞌkmaw community and the Nova Scotia government. The school is the most successful First Nation Education Program in Canada, according to Benjamin. [72]

By 1997, all Miꞌkmaq on reserves were given the responsibility for their own education. [72] : 210 By 2014, there were 11 band-run schools in Nova Scotia, [72] : 211 and the province has the highest rate of retention of aboriginal students in schools in Canada. [72] : 211 More than half the teachers are Miꞌkmaq. [72] : 211 From 2011 to 2012 there was a 25% increase in Miꞌkmaw students going to university. Atlantic Canada has the highest rate of aboriginal students attending university in the country. [72] : 214 [73]

Pre-contact period Edit

In southwestern Nova Scotia, there is archaeological evidence that traces traditional land use and resources to least 4,000 years. [74] : 23 [75] [76] In Kejimkujik National Park and National Historic Site, there are canoe routes that have been used for thousands of years by indigenous people travelling from the Bay of Fundy to the Atlantic ocean. [77]

In his Memorial University Masters thesis, Mi'kmaw elder, Roger Lewis, investigated how pre-contact Mi'kmaq populations had a reciprocal relationship with the environment that was reflected in subsistence fishing, hunting and gathering, as well as in settlement locations. [74] : 10 Lewis, who has held the position of ethnology curator at the Nova Scotia Museum in Halifax, since 2007 [78] focused his MA research specifically on pre-contact fish weirs in southwestern Nova Scotia. [74]

In the chapter "Late Prehistory of the East Coast" in the Smithsonian's 1978 Handbook of North American Indians, archaeologist Dean Snow says that the fairly deep linguistic split between the Miꞌkmaq and the Eastern Algonquians to the southwest suggests the Miꞌkmaq developed an independent prehistoric cultural sequence in their territory. It emphasized maritime orientation, as the area had relatively few major river systems. [79] : 69 In the chapter "Early Indian-European Contact" in the 1978 Handbook, ethnologist T. J. Brasser, described how pre-contact small semi-nomadic bands of a few patrilineally related families indigenous people who lived in a climate unfavorable for agriculture, had subsisted on fishing and hunting. Developed leadership did not extend beyond hunting parties. [80] : 78 In the same 1978 Handbook, anthropologist Philip Bock described the annual cycle of seasonal movement of precontact Miꞌkmaq. Bock wrote that the Mi'kmaq had lived in dispersed interior winter camps and larger coastal communities during the summer. The spawning runs of March began their movement to converge on smelt spawning streams. They next harvested spawning herring, gathered waterfowl eggs, and hunted geese. By May, the seashore offered abundant cod and shellfish, and coastal breezes brought relief from the biting black flies, deer flies, midges and mosquitoes of the interior. Autumn frost killed the biting insects during the September harvest of spawning American eels. Smaller groups would disperse into the interior where they hunted moose and caribou. [81] [82] The most important animal hunted by the Miꞌkmaq was the moose, which was used in every part: the meat for food, the skin for clothing, tendons and sinew for cordage, and bones for carving and tools. Other animals hunted/trapped included deer, bear, rabbit, beaver and porcupine. [83]

Braser described the first contact between the Mi'kmaq and early European fishermen. [80] : 79–80 These fishermen salted their catch at sea and sailed directly home with it, but they set up camps ashore as early as 1520 for dry-curing cod. During the second half of the century, dry curing became the preferred preservation method. [80] : 79–80 Brasser said that, trading furs for European trade goods had changed Miꞌkmaw social perspectives. Desire for trade goods encouraged the men devoting a larger portion of the year away from the coast trapping in the interior. Trapping non-migratory animals, such as beaver, increased awareness of territoriality. Trader preferences for good harbors resulted in greater numbers of Miꞌkmaq gathering in fewer summer rendezvous locations. This in turn encouraged their establishing larger bands, led by the ablest trade negotiators. [80] : 83–84

According to the Nova Scotia Museum, bear teeth and claws were used as decoration in regalia. The women used porcupine quills to create decorative beadwork on clothing, moccasins, and accessories. The weapon used most for hunting was the bow and arrow. The Miꞌkmaq made their bows from maple. They ate fish of all kinds, such as salmon, sturgeon, lobster, squid, shellfish, and eels, as well as seabirds and their eggs. They hunted marine mammals such as porpoises, whales, walrus, and seals. [83]

Miꞌkmaw territory was the first portion of North America that Europeans exploited at length for resource extraction. Reports by John Cabot, Jacques Cartier, and Portuguese explorers about conditions there encouraged visits by Portuguese, Spanish, Basque, French, and English fishermen and whalers, beginning in the 16th century.

European fishing camps traded with Miꞌkmaw fishermen and trading rapidly expanded to include furs, according to Thomas B. Costain, (1885 – 1965) , a journalist who wrote historical novels. By 1578, some 350 European ships were operating around the Saint Lawrence estuary. Most were independent fishermen, but increasing numbers were exploring the fur trade. [84]

17th and 18th centuries Edit

Colonial wars Edit

In the wake of King Philip's War between English colonists and Native Americans in southern New England (which included the first military conflict between the Miꞌkmaq and New England), the Miꞌkmaq became members of the Wapnáki (Wabanaki Confederacy), an alliance with four other Algonquian-language nations: the Abenaki, Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, and Maliseet. [85] The Wabanaki Confederacy was allied with the Acadian people.

Over a period of seventy-five years, during six wars in Miꞌkmaꞌki, the Miꞌkmaq and Acadians fought to keep the British from taking over the region (See the four French and Indian Wars as well as Father Rale's War and Father Le Loutre's War). France lost military control of Acadia in 1710 and political claim (apart from Cape Breton) by the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht with England.

But the Miꞌkmaq were not included in the treaty, and never conceded any land to the British. In 1715, the Miꞌkmaq were told that the British now claimed their ancient territory by the Treaty of Utrecht. They formally complained to the French commander at Louisbourg about the French king transferring the sovereignty of their nation when he did not possess it. They were informed that the French had claimed legal possession of their country for a century, on account of laws decreed by kings in Europe, that no land could be legally owned by any non-Christian, and that such land was therefore freely available to any Christian prince who claimed it. Miꞌkmaw historian Daniel Paul observes that, "If this warped law were ever to be accorded recognition by modern legalists they would have to take into consideration that, after Grand Chief Membertou and his family converted to Christianity in 1610, the land of the Miꞌkmaq had become exempt from being seized because the people were Christians. However, it's hard to imagine that a modern government would fall back and try to use such uncivilized garbage as justification for non-recognition of aboriginal title." [29] : 74–75

Along with Acadians, the Miꞌkmaq used military force to resist the founding of British (Protestant) settlements by making numerous raids on Halifax, Dartmouth, Lawrencetown and Lunenburg. During the French and Indian War, the North American front of the Seven Years' War between France and Britain in Europe, the Miꞌkmaq assisted the Acadians in resisting the British during the Expulsion. The military resistance was reduced significantly with the French defeat at the Siege of Louisbourg (1758) in Cape Breton. In 1763, Great Britain formalized its colonial possession of all of Miꞌkmaki in the Treaty of Paris.

Covenant Chain of Peace and Friendship Treaties Edit

Between 1725 and 1779, the Mi'kmaq, Wolastoqey (Maliseet), and Peskotomuhkati (Passamaquoddy) signed numerous treaties, commonly referred to as the Covenant Chain of Peace and Friendship Treaties, through which they entered into a "peaceful relationship with the British Crown." The Mi'kmaq assert that through these treaties—which were referenced as legal precedent by the Supreme Court of Canada in R v Marshall— the Mi'kmaq "did not cede or give up their land title and other rights." [10]

Some historians have asserted that first treaty signed in 1725, after Father Rale's War, did not cede hunting, fishing and gathering rights. [86] The Halifax Treaties (1760-61), marked the end of warfare between the Miꞌkmaq and the British. [87]

The 1752 Peace and Friendship Treaty Between His Majesty the King and Jean-Baptiste Cope, [18] on behalf of the Shubenacadie Miꞌkmaq has been cited in the Supreme Court of Canada's 1985 decision in R. v. Simon. [18] In his 2002, book on the Marshall case, historian William Wicken said that there is no written documentation to support this assertion that Cope made the treaty on behalf of all the Miꞌkmaq. [88] : 184 has been cited in the Supreme Court of Canada's 1985 decision in R. v. Simon. [18] With the signing of various treaties, the 75 years of regular warfare ended in 1761 with the Halifax Treaties. [89] [90]

Although the treaties of 1760-61 contain statements of Miꞌkmaw submission to the British crown, later statements made by Miꞌkmaw reveal that they intended a friendly and reciprocal relationship, according to the 2009 book, Nova Scotia: a pocket history , by Saint Mary's University history professor, John G. Reid and Brenda Conroy. [91] : 23 In the early 1760s, there were approximately 300 Miꞌkmaw fighters in the region and thousands of British soldiers. The goals of the Miꞌkmaw treaty negotiators engaged in the 1760 Halifax treaty negotiations, were to make peace, establish secure and well-regulated trade in commodities such as furs, and begin an ongoing friendship with the British crown. In return, the Mi'kmaq offered friendship and tolerance of limited British settlement, although without any formal land surrender, according to Reid and Connor. [91] : 23 To fulfill the reciprocity intended by the Miꞌkmaq, that any additional British settlement of land would have to be negotiated, and accompanied by giving presents to the Miꞌkmaq. The documents summarizing the peace agreements failed to establish specific territorial limits on the expansion of British settlements, but assured the Miꞌkmaq of access to the natural resources that had long sustained them along the regions' coasts and in the woods. [91] Their conceptions of land use were quite different. In his 2003 book about the British expulsion of the Acadians, University of Cincinnati history professor, Geoffrey Plank, described the relationship between the Mi'kmaq and Acadians as strong. The Miꞌkmaq believed they could share their traditional lands with both the British and the Acadians—with the Mi'kmaq hunting as usual, and getting to the coast for seafood. [92] : 163

The arrival of the New England Planters and United Empire Loyalists in greater number put pressure on land use and the treaties. This migration into the region created significant economic, environmental and cultural pressures on the Miꞌkmaq. The Miꞌkmaq tried to enforce the treaties through threat of force. At the beginning of the American Revolution, many Miꞌkmaw and Maliseet tribes supported the Americans against the British. They participated in the Maugerville Rebellion and the Battle of Fort Cumberland in 1776. Miꞌkmaw delegates concluded the first international treaty, the Treaty of Watertown, with the United States soon after it declared its independence in July 1776. These delegates did not officially represent the Miꞌkmaw government, although many individual Miꞌkmaq did privately join the Continental Army as a result. In June 1779, Miꞌkmaq in the Miramichi valley of New Brunswick attacked and plundered some of the British in the area. The following month, British Captain Augustus Harvey, in command of HMS Viper, arrived and battled with the Miꞌkmaq. One Miꞌkmaw was killed and 16 were taken prisoner to Quebec. The prisoners were eventually taken to Halifax. They were released on 28 July 1779 after signing the Oath of Allegiance to the British Crown. [93] [94] [95]

As their military power waned in the beginning of the 19th century, the Miꞌkmaw people made explicit appeals to the British to honor the treaties and reminded them of their duty to give "presents" to the Miꞌkmaq in order to occupy Miꞌkmaꞌki. In response, the British offered charity or, the word most often used by government officials, "relief". The British said the Miꞌkmaq must give up their way of life and begin to settle on farms. Also, they were told they had to send their children to British schools for education. [96]

Gabriel Sylliboy was the first Miꞌkmaw elected as grand chief in 1919 and the first to fight for treaty recognition - specifically, the Treaty of 1752 - in the Supreme Court of Nova Scotia.

In 1986, the first Treaty Day was celebrated by Nova Scotians on October 1, 1986 in recognition of the treaties signed between the British Empire and the Miꞌkmaw people.

The treaties were only formally recognized by the Supreme Court of Canada once they were enshrined in Section 35 of the Constitution Act of 1982. The first Treaty Day occurred the year after the Supreme Court upheld the Peace Treaty of 1752 signed by Jean-Baptiste Cope and Governor Peregrine Hopson.

19th century Edit

Royal Acadian School Edit

Walter Bromley was a British officer and reformer who established the Royal Acadian School and supported the Miꞌkmaq over the thirteen years he lived in Halifax (1813-1825). [97] Bromley devoted himself to the service of the Miꞌkmaw people. [98] The Miꞌkmaq were among the poor of Halifax and in the rural communities. According to historian Judith Finguard, his contribution to give public exposure to the plight of the Miꞌkmaq "particularly contributes to his historical significance". Finguard writes:

Bromley's attitudes towards the Indians were singularly enlightened for his day. . Bromley totally dismissed the idea that native people were naturally inferior and set out to encourage their material improvement through settlement and agriculture, their talents through education, and their pride through his own study of their languages. [97]

MicMac Missionary Society Edit

Silas Tertius Rand in 1849 help found the Micmac Missionary Society, a full-time Miꞌkmaw mission. Basing his work in Hantsport, Nova Scotia, where he lived from 1853 until his death in 1889, he travelled widely among Miꞌkmaw communities, spreading the Christian faith, learning the language, and recording examples of the Miꞌkmaw oral tradition. Rand produced scriptural translations in Miꞌkmaq and Maliseet, compiled a Miꞌkmaq dictionary and collected numerous legends, and through his published work, was the first to introduce the stories of Glooscap to the wider world. The mission was dissolved in 1870. After a long period of disagreement with the Baptist church, he eventually returned to the church in 1885.

Mic-Mac hockey sticks Edit

The Miꞌkmaq practice of playing ice hockey appeared in recorded colonial histories from as early as the 18th century. Since the nineteenth century, the Miꞌkmaq were credited with inventing the ice hockey stick. [99] : 60 The oldest known hockey stick was made between 1852 and 1856. Recently, it was sold for US$2.2 million. The stick was carved by Miꞌkmaq from Nova Scotia, who made it from hornbeam, also known as ironwood. [100]

In 1863, the Starr Manufacturing Company in Dartmouth, Nova Scotia, began to sell the Mic-Mac hockey sticks nationally and internationally. [99] : 61 Hockey became a popular sport in Canada in the 1890s. [99] : 58 Throughout the first decade of the 20th century, the Mic-Mac hockey stick was the best-selling hockey stick in Canada. By 1903, apart from farming, the principal occupation of the Miꞌkmaq on reserves throughout Nova Scotia, and particularly on the Shubenacadie, Indian Brook and Millbrook Reserves, was producing the Mic-Mac hockey stick. [99] : 61 The department of Indian Affairs for Nova Scotia noted in 1927 that the Miꞌkmaq remained the "experts" at making hockey sticks. [99] : 73 The Miꞌkmaq continued to make hockey sticks until the 1930s, when the product was industrialized. [99] : 63

Gallery of images from the 19th century Edit

Grand Chief Jacques-Pierre Peminuit Paul (3rd from left with beard) meets Governor General of Canada, Marquess of Lorne, Red Chamber, Province House, Halifax, Nova Scotia, 1879. [101]

VI. The Sociology of Dogfighting

It is extremely difficult for anyone besides dogmen to justify dogfighting. Law enforcement officials that penetrate the clandestine subculture are routinely sickened by the macabre blood sport. American culture has criminalized dogfighting and stigmatizes those deviant enough to engage in it. Our collective American consciousness is repulsed by dog-fighting with much the same disdain that we feel for child molesters. One study, published in Society and Animals, attempted offer a rare glimpse into the psyche of the prototypical dogman and to rationalize the behavior that to the rest of us is incontrovertibly perverse. [ 54 ] According to the study, there are five major techniques that dogmen employ to justify dogfighting: (1) denial of the victim (2) denial of responsibility (3) denial of injury (4) appeal to higher loyalties and (5) condemnation of the condemners. [ 55 ]

(1) Denial of the Victim : Most dogmen adamantly deny that the dogs are victimized by the culture of dogfighting. The dogs are glorified as fighting machines with insatiable blood-lust. High profile boxer-turned-convict, Will Grigsby, maintained that the dogs he fought were no more victims than the athletes in his profession. “To me, it's just like boxing. It's cruel if you put a pit bull on a poodle, or a pit bull on another pit bull that don't want to fight. But if you have two dogs that weigh the same amount in an organized dog fight, well, that's just like boxing." [ 56 ] There is a perception that in the fighting circuit, the dogs get whatever they deserve. If a dog shows ‘gameness’ and wins several matches, he earns titles such as ‘Champion’ or ‘Grand Champion’ and the respect of the ‘fanciers.’ If a dog quits or loses, he is considered a ‘cur.' There is no place for ‘curs’ in dogfighting, they are a humiliation to the trainers, handlers, and to those that bet on them.

(2) Denial of Responsibility : In an interview, one archetypal 'dogman' found moral vindication through denial, “We’re not hurting anybody and the dog’s love to fight, so what’s the harm? If you could see the way the animals love it…you wouldn’t think it was cruel.” [ 57 ] Fighting is portrayed as something that comes naturally to the dogs - that they’re born with an undeniable propensity to kill. “This dog GAR, when he was nine months old, I let him kill a female that had no place on this yard…He was a pup born by himself and had to be taken away from his mother at near five weeks. He was a fight crazy dog from just a puppy…He was a wild eyed dog that showed the eye of the Beast to all that he looked at.” [ 58 ]

(3) Denial of Injury : Many fighters claim that the dogs are treated well, both before and after the fights, [ 59 ] and what happens in the pit - well, “they enjoy fighting.” [ 60 ] Despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary, some dogmen insist that “[i]t's not the blood and gore that people have been led to believe.” [ 61 ] Many proponents of dogfighting claim that the bloodsport is no more violent than boxing. [ 62 ]

(4) Appeal to a Higher Authority : The culture of dogfighting perpetuates itself by glorifying its own history and aggrandizing those who are heavily involved. “Old timers” are lauded as warriors, [ 63 ] heroes, and role models. [ 64 ] “The old timers know all the champions and the great bloodlines. They have produced most of the champion dogs. If they don't like you, you are not going anywhere in dogfighting. You have got to show them the respect they deserve.” [ 65 ] Dogfighting literature, publications, and websites are replete with dogmen fondly recalling their early experiences of becoming indoctrinated into the “fraternity” by men that they idolized. “In dogfighting you start at the bottom and. work your way up to be an old timer. If they accept you, an old timer will take you on like an apprentice. An old timer. got me started. He saw dogfighting was important to me, and brought me into this insider circle. I would not have made it without him.” [ 66 ] Many fighters maintain that dogfighting is a rich tradition with cultural and historical significance that is proudly passed from generation to generation. “When I reach the other world and stand in front of my father once again, we will surely discuss my accomplishments of this world. I would consider it the greatest honor if my father would feel that I had became a conditioner capable of competing with Mayfield. My battle quote for this issue goes out to all dog men or competitors of any kind. It is from our late President Theodore Roosevelt and says, ‘Far better it is to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure, than to rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy much nor suffer much because they live in the gray twilight that knows neither victory nor defeat’.” [ 67 ]

(5) Condemnation of the Condemners : Dogfighters often see themselves as a misunderstood group, victims of cultural genocide. “Dogfighting is a part of this culture. You don't change culture. It dies but it does not change. Dogfighting, cockfighting, fishing, hunting are all parts of our heritage. We have seen many intruders try to change us, it's always outsiders. but we are just ordinary folk who are different in some ways.” [ 68 ] Dogfighting literature is often replete with juxtapositions of the bloodsport, religion, and patriotism: “God protect us against those enemies, foreign and DOMESTIC who would steal our Constitutional rights and our liberty! FREEDOM!” [ 69 ] Some dogmen even go so far as to maintain that they’re “truth seekers,” ordained by God to control all living beings and to preserve the “game” of dogfighting. [ 70 ] Dogfighters perceive their behavior as normal and often try to portray humane organizations and other anti-dogfighting groups as extremists and as true animal abusers. One website,, has an entire section devoted to news of “abuses” committed by humane workers, or “humaniacs” as the dogmen often refer to them.

Archeology Along the Nez Perce National Historic Trail

Figure 1. Map showing Nez Perce National Historic Trail.

Archeology along the Nez Perce National Historic Trail by Daniel H. Eakin & Elizabeth Horton

When Yellowstone National Park (YNP) was created in 1872, much of the western Great Plains and Rocky Mountains remained uncharted wilderness still dominated by various Native American tribal groups, some of which were fighting for their own survival. Though the southern Plains Indian wars were winding down, Custer’s defeat on the Little Bighorn was still four years away. Nonetheless, YNP quickly caught the imagination of the American public with accounts of steaming geysers, bubbling hot springs, and other geological wonders. By the mid-1870s, a few settlements had sprung up in surrounding mining regions and although there were virtually no roads and mostly Indian trails to follow on horseback, a few adventurous citizens visited YNP on sightseeing and other excursions. The creation of YNP and its earliest “use” exemplifies the European American concept of a “park” as a place that must remain in a natural state. It was into this setting that the Nez Perce (Nimi’ipuu or Nee-Me-Poo) entered in the summer of 1877, and when they learned from white captives that they were in a National Park the idea of preserving such a small area must have been difficult for them to comprehend given their dependency on the natural world for their basic needs and survival. Such collisions of culture and philosophy continue to shape the West and its people even today.
To commemorate the flight of the Nez Perce, Congress inducted the 1,170 mile-long Nez Perce Trail (NPNHT) into the National Trails system on October 6, 1986, through an amendment to the National Trails System Act of 1968 (figure 1). About 84 miles of the NPNHT is within YNP. Beginning in 2006, the National Park Service undertook a multi-year archeological inventory project along the Nez Perce trail through the park. These efforts not only identified locations of several Nez Perce, U.S. Army, and tourist encampments, but also clarified the general route the Nez Perce followed through the area.

The 1877 Flight of the Nez Perce
Summer 1877 brought inescapable change for the Nez Perce. The 1855 treaty of Walla Walla, ratified by Congress in 1859, established a seven million acre Nez Perce reservation on traditional lands in parts of what would become the states of Idaho, Washington, and Oregon. The discovery of gold in 1860 resulted in an uncontrolled influx of miners and settlers onto reservation lands, and in 1863 the U.S. Government elected to renegotiate the treaty and shrink the reservation to approximately one-tenth its original size. This resulted in a schism within the Nez Perce leadership between those willing to sign the new treaty (treaty Nez Perce) and those who were not (non-treaty Nez Perce). Many of the treaty bands had been Christianized and stood to benefit from the new arrangement whereas non-treaty bands, who were known for crossing the Bitterroots to hunt buffalo, often with the Crow, and retained much of their traditional culture, were unwilling to relinquish their traditional homeland. The new treaty was ratified by Congress in 1867. By 1877 Indian-white relations in the area had deteriorated to such a degree that an ultimatum was issued by the government that all non-treaty Nez Perce must relocate within the new reservation by June 14. On June 17 U.S. army and volunteer soldiers approached a Nez Perce camp on Whitebird Creek in western Idaho. When a party of six warriors bearing a flag of truce approached the soldiers, one of the volunteers fired at them, thus precipitating the Nez Perce War of 1877.

After the outbreak of hostilities, a group of roughly 250 warriors and 500 elders, women, and children, with over 2,000 horses embarked on what would become a 1,170 mile long trek that ended on October 5, 1877, at the Bear Paw Battlefield near Chinook, Montana, approximately 40 miles south of the Canadian border (figure 1). During this time the Nez Perce were led by chiefs Ollokot, White Bird, Toohoolhoolzote, Looking Glass, and Hinmst-owyalahtq’it (Joseph) (figure 2). General O.O. Howard, Commander, Department of the Columbia, pursued the Nez Perce throughout their flight, although their final defeat was to forces led by Colonel Nelson A. Miles, Commander, Tongue River Cantonment, Department of Dakota. After their surrender, about 200-300 Nez Perce managed to avoid Miles’ pickets and cross into Canada while the remaining survivors were sent to Indian Territory in present day Oklahoma. Today, descendants of non-treaty bands live among three groups: the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation in Washington, the Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla Indian Reservation in Oregon, and the Nez Perce Tribe in Idaho.

The Nez Perce travelled through a wide array of environmental conditions and habitats: wetlands, riparian areas, open meadows, mountains, and plains. The journey included four battles and several skirmishes with the U.S. Army. Even though there were no major military engagements within YNP, several incidents did occur between the Nez Perce and civilian tourist groups and ranchers, as well as Bannock scouts employed by the army.

On August 23, 1877 the Nez Perce entered YNP via the Madison River near present-day West Yellowstone. The main contingent followed the Madison and Firehole rivers to Lower Geyser Basin then crossed the Central Plateau and Hayden Valley, forded the Yellowstone River, continued around the north shore of Yellowstone Lake and traversed the rugged terrain through the Absaroka Mountain Range, probably exiting the park sometime between September 4-6. Their route likely followed pre-existing trails for much of the way. Howard’s army followed essentially the same route as the Nez Perce and often occupied their same campsites until the Yellowstone River, at which point they turned north in an attempt to intercept the Nez Perce somewhere on Clark’s Fork on the east side of the Absaroka mountains. Once reaching Barronett’s Bridge, the army followed the road to the Cooke City mines through the Lamar Valley and then crossed the divide to the upper Clark’s Fork. During this time, however, Nez Perce raiding and scouting parties were active and headed north into Mammoth Hot Springs, Stephens Creek, Lamar Valley, and the Clark’s Fork. Twenty-two tourists also came into contact with the Nez Perce within the park. All were robbed, several were shot, two were killed and a number captured, including some who were used as guides.

Focus on Collaborative & Interdisciplinary Research
YNP consulted with descendants of the non-treaty groups who participated in the 1877 war. They shared oral histories of the ordeal and information on traditional knowledge and use of the Yellowstone region unavailable through other sources, such as areas their ancestors may have been selected as campsites. As archeologists, we use this information not only to assist in locating sites related to the 1877 events, but also to incorporate concerns of Nez Perce through proactive management and stewardship of these important places.
Nez Perce elders reported that prior to 1877, their people used the area that is now YNP to hunt, trap, fish, trade, and visit with other tribal groups, such as the Crow and Shoshone. Their leaders used routes that they had learned from their elders. They knew park terrain and deployed advanced scouting parties as well as rear guard to avoid capture by the army. They would read the land to determine where important resources were, and camp near water and grass for their horses (Sucec 2006). In such situations only wikiups, a lodge consisting of a frame covered with matting or brush, would have been constructed and used by traveling Nez Perce (figure 3). They also stated that trees were stripped of their edible cambium if the group was short of food. Elders confirmed that several scarred trees near the Yellowstone River reflect cambium harvesting. Hydrothermal areas were used for their curative powers and to give an extra edge for success in their activities.

Working with the park archivist and park historian, NPS staff reviewed all potential sources of information and compiled relevant historical documents, maps, first- and second-hand army, civilian, and Nez Perce accounts newspaper articles soldiers’ journals photographs and written collections. The information provided a rich historical background and context for events in YNP. These Nez Perce oral histories and historical accounts were analyzed to identify likely candidate locations for the 1877 events within the 84 miles of the trail within Yellowstone.

These data were valuable aids during archeological fieldwork and in several instances helped tie historical events to specific locations in the modern landscape. Archeological survey was conducted between 2006 and 2015 by the Office of the Wyoming State Archaeologist Survey Section, National Park Service archeologists and student interns, the University of Calgary, and members of the Nez Perce Tribe and the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation. Once designated search areas were identified, we looked for objects dating to an 1877 temporal context that could have been used by military, civilian, and/or Nez Perce. These included such items as horse tack, clothing items (military insignia, buttons, buckles, suspenders, etc.), mess equipment (forks, knives, spoons, etc.), and food remains (tin cans, etc.). Prehistoric sites composed of chipped stone and ground-stone tools were also recorded. Given the relatively late occurrence of the Nez Perce War, a vast array of metal objects had been incorporated into Nez Perce material culture, and an assortment of similar items would have been used by the U.S. Army and civilian participants as well. Park research permits allowed us to collect diagnostic artifacts for further analysis and conservation. Blaze marks, axe-cut stumps, hearth remnants, and other modifications to the local environment were also recorded.

Figure 2. Nez Perce Chief White Hawk (left) and Many Wounds in YNP in 1935. White Hawk was with the main group of Nez Perce in 1877.

Figure 3. Jackson Photo of Jackson Drawing Showing Nez Perce Village.

Figure 5. Artifacts identified as part of a pre-1874 McClellan pattern saddle. Clockwise: cantle plates, pommel ornament, front ring staple, foot staple, and rear ring staple.

Figure 6. McClellan saddle cantle arc and plate from a McClellan saddle, recovered from the Nez Perce Mountain Bivouac Site (48YE506). Photo - Office of Wyoming State Archaeologist.

Connecting the Past to the Modern Landscape
Although the team was able to identify several Nez Perce, U.S. Army, and tourist encampments, space requirements limit the discussion to the following sites associated with the 1877 events to provide us a glimpse into the material culture of the time.

Radersburg Party Camp & Wagon Abandonment Site
Camped along Tangled Creek in the Lower Geyser Basin, the Radersburg Party (from Radersburg, Montana) consisted of George and Emma Cowan Emma’s brother and sister, Frank and Ida Carpenter acquaintances, Charles Mann, Andrew Arnold, William Dingee, Albert Oldham, and Henry Meyers. The party used the area as a base camp for a couple of weeks from which they split into smaller groups to explore the geyser basins and the falls on the Yellowstone River. On the day before their capture, the party returned to this camp in preparation to leave. Nez Perce scouts sighted their campfire that night, but decided to wait until morning before approaching it.

At first light on August 24, 1877 a small party of Nez Perce led by Hímiin Maqsmáqs (Yellow Wolf) approached the camp. After the initial encounter, Nez Perce numbers quickly multiplied and the Radersburg party decided to pack the wagons, saddle the horses, and head north as quickly as possible. When they departed camp they did so under the escort of 40-50 warriors. One of the Radersburg tourists described the Nez Perce procession as three miles long and driving 1,000 to 1,500 horses up the trail. Near the mouth of what is today Nez Perce Creek, the party was informed that they could not continue and forced to accompany the main Nez Perce group up-valley. Above Morning Mist Springs, the Radersburg party had to abandon their two wagons and the majority of their equipage due to thick timber. Horses from the wagon teams were saddled and a few articles of clothing were taken by the hostages before their captors confiscated their goods and made the wagons unusable.

The group then traveled up-valley to a large meadow complex at the base of Mary Mountain. After a short council, tribal leaders released the group and the party, now on foot, began their return trip to the Firehole River. After about a mile a group of warriors approached and recaptured them, although several of the tourists were able to escape at this time. After marching back to the council area, a melee ensued, and George Cowan and Albert Oldham were shot and left for dead. Emma Cowan and Andrew and Ida Carpenter were taken hostage but were released the following day when the Nez Perce crossed the Yellowstone River at Nez Perce Ford.

Howard’s advance scouting party found Cowan and Oldham in the Lower Geyser Basin several days later and camped in the area from the afternoon of August 30 to the morning of August 31. This camp was later named Camp Cowan, as it is where George Cowan was rescued and given aid after his ordeal. Stanton Fisher, Chief of Scouts under General Howard, noted, “The Indians had cut up the harness, cut the spokes out of the buggy, and scattered things around promiscuously” (Fisher 1896). In the years that followed, surviving members of the Radersburg Party revisited these locations on several occasions in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Few artifacts were identified at the Cowan Party camp on Tangled Creek. The opposite holds true for Camp Cowan, which had high artifact densities representing later occupation which may be the result of it being used by many different parties over time, as well as a large Civilian Conservation Corps camp in the 1930s. However, a cluster of temporally diagnostic historic artifacts located near Morning Mist Springs is consistent with the location where the Radersburg party was forced to abandon their wagons. Three roller buckles, a harness terret, and a snap hook could represent remains of the wagon harness observed by Fisher in 1877. Similarly, George and Emma Cowan’s accounts by sketches and a journal indicate the party had writing implements, perhaps pens with extra nibs, and the nib found could have been one of these. A full length, brass Parker Brother’s shotshell was recovered that possessed attributes indicating that it was made between 1874 and 1877. Cowan and Oldham later filed depredation claims against the U.S. Government and the Nez Perce tribe for losses they incurred during these events. A number of items recovered from this site may relate to specific items and property types listed in Cowan’s claim. Items range from a breech loading shotgun to horse tack and breechings and other items specifically listed in their claims such as blankets and clothing, as well as unspecified items probably grouped under “provisions” likely confiscated by the Nez Perce. These actions reflect the severe lack of material goods that the Nez Perce were suffering due to the conditions of open warfare, with no source of resupply.

The Nez Perce Mountain Bivouac Site
Another success of this project was identification of perhaps the only known intact Nez Perce campsite within the park related to the 1877 war. Located near the headwaters of the Lamar River 25 miles into the back country at an elevation of nearly 10,000 ft., this site probably represents the last bivouac of the main group of Nez Perce within YNP. P.W. Norris’s 1880 account of an Indian camp is the earliest written record describing this site:

“Just above … were still standing the poles of one Indian lodge, while there were more than forty others that had fallen, but which evidently had been used the previous year many still older also remain … this Indian perch commands a fair view of all approaches. Abundant pasturage for game and domestic animals was had in the notches of the numerous adjacent canyons … Fragments of china-ware [sic], blankets, bed clothing, and costly male and female wearing apparel here found, were mute but mournful witnesses of border raids and massacres” (Norris 1880).

The site was first investigated in 1961 by Aubrey Haines, Ken Feyhl, and Stuart Conner, who found numerous flaked stone tools and debitage, historical artifacts, and evidence of bark stripping and axe-cuts on a number of trees, interpreted as possibly resulting from harvesting pitch wood for kindling. Period artifacts recovered include an assortment of metal objects as well as brass, iron, and wood components of a pre-1874-pattern McClellan saddle, culturally modified trees, and preserved lodge poles.

Artifacts collected from the site were found in two distinct areas (A and B) that lie about 380 ft. (115m) apart. Selected artifacts in Area A include a tinkler and tinkler preform, an Indian-made iron projectile point, iron ring and foot staples, brass pommel shield and brass cantle guard plates to a pre-1874 Pattern McClellan saddle, a possible canteen spout fragment, a probable handle from a Pattern 1874 U.S. Army tin cup, a handle from a probable Pattern 1874 meat can, a .44-40 Winchester Center Fire (WCF) cartridge case, a brass grommet possibly from a U.S. Army rubberized pancho, a brass bar-buckle, several Ausable, type horseshoe nails, and at least two Richardson and Robbins solder-patch and side seam cans (figure 4). Tinklers (also known as bangles, danglers, v-cones, and tinkling cones) were cone-shaped pieces of rolled metal attached to clothing edges as decorations and sound producers. Both the tinkler and tinkler preform possessed remnants of tinning on their surface that allowed speculation they were manufactured on-site from food cans. All of the military-related items are basically of a post-Civil War or early 1870s temporal context. The Richardson and Robbins brand of the 1870s was considered by some as “luxury goods” (in this case the can was for plum pudding) and their advertising specifically targeted “excursionists and travelers for their luncheons” (Smith 1976, Heite and Heite 1989, Heite 1990).

Additional McClellan saddle parts were found in Area B in 2013. Efforts to recover the saddle were undertaken in 2015, requiring materials necessary to safely stabilize and transport the saddle remnants back for conservation and study. A total of 29 saddle parts were recovered from a 1x2-m excavation unit. Portions recovered include most of the iron reinforcing and fastener hardware from a pre-1874 Pattern McClellan saddle along with numerous pieces of wooden saddle tree and several remnants of leather strapping (figures 5 & 6). In addition, three .44-40 WCF cartridge cases were found a few meters from the saddle parts.

The McClellan saddle parts found in areas A and B are viewed as pieces of the same saddle that was likely manufactured around either a Pattern 1858 or 1864 saddle tree. The saddle hardware is consistent with a pre-1874 McClellan saddle pattern that was in common use during the Indian War period of the 1870s. No evidence was found that would provide an explanation for the presence of the saddle or the fact that it was broken apart prior to abandonment. The disarticulated condition and distribution of the saddle parts indicate the saddle was broken into pieces prior to abandonment. Neither the brass pommel shield or cantle guard plates were found in association with the other saddle parts, indicating these pieces were taken from the saddle prior to abandonment. The McClellan saddle was not considered a highly desirable prize by Native Americans, probably due to the fact that many tribes designed and manufactured their own saddles. In many cases when an army saddle was captured by Indians, it was stripped of its leather covering, hardware, and stirrups after which it would sometimes be salvaged but in many cases it was merely abandoned.

Several .44-40 WCF cartridge cases were also found in areas A and B. The .44-40 WCF was chambered for the model 1873 Winchester and was introduced that same year. By 1877, the Model 1873 Winchester had become a popular weapon among various tribes of the Plains and Rocky Mountains. Considering .44-40 WCF cartridge cases were at the Big Hole and Bear Paw battlefields, it is safe to assume this particular type of weapon and ammunition were in possession of the Nez Perce during the Nez Perce War.

Culturally modified trees are trees possessing physical alterations that reflect human utilization of forested ecosystems, and many were observed within the forests near the site. These include both axe-cut (pole size) stumps and a number that had been stripped of large sheets of bark, probably for cambium recovery. Approximately 110 standing axe-cut stumps were observed in timbered areas around the site. Typically 30-42 inches tall and 3-6 inches in diameter, these stumps only become obvious after close inspection due to their similarity to other deadwood accumulations. Many axe-cut stumps still retain bark, while some have totally shed the bark layer. It is believed that the axe-cut stumps represent the harvest points for poles composing the standing and collapsed lodges mentioned by P.W. Norris in 1880. Dendrochronological analysis of a sample (n=6) of axe cut stumps revealed that three died prior to 1877 while three died during the late growing season of 1877 (see sidebar, page 35). The specimens dating prior to 1877 could have been harvested as standing dead, while harvest of the other three would have occurred in late August or September, the same time as the Nez Perce would have occupied the site. The axe-cut stump dates are considered some of the strongest evidence for interpretation of this site as a bivouac occupied by the Nez Perce during the 1877 war. The presence of 1870s-period military and non-military artifacts at the site further corroborates the tree-ring analysis, indicating the site likely functioned as a Nez Perce bivouac during the 1877 Flight.

Remains of the 40 lodges described in the 1880 Norris account may also be present at the site. These took the form of clusters of highly weathered pole-sized pieces of wood up to 1 m in length located in hollows situated well away from the present tree line. Modern NPS accounts indicate that unauthorized out-of-bounds campers may have been using pole remnants for firewood during the last 50 years. If so, unauthorized firewood collecting impacted our knowledge of the site with a devastating loss of information, potentially including lodge locations and their distribution which could have provided information on residential patterns during the flight.

The few camp descriptions provided by survivor accounts suggest the Nez Perce often stopped for lunch that fires were kindled for breakfast, lunch, and supper and that shelters were constructed nightly. Emma Cowan’s observations from the night of August 24, while being held captive in the Hayden Valley, provide important insights, “The Indians were without tepees which had been abandoned in their flight from the Big Hole fight but pieces of canvas were stretched over a pole or bush” (Guie and McWhorter 1935). Cowan’s account implies that in the absence of their usual equipage, the Nez Perce had adopted expedient practices relating to not only fast travel, but also a basic need for shelter amounting to little more than a stretched rope or a few joined poles over which a covering was placed. This account implies that rather than transporting lodge poles, the Nez Perce harvested them nightly (probably close to camp) and abandoned them when camp moved.

Four cambium-harvested trees, typically larger than 12 inches in diameter, are also present at the site. One of these was sampled for dendrochronologic analysis which indicated the cambium was peeled during the early growing season of 1826. Preserved axe or other tool marks show the outline of the bark sheets removed during the peeling process when the trees were still alive. Cambium peeling involves removal of usually semi-circular sheets of bark from living trees for different purposes. Cambium harvest and consumption was a relatively common practice among native people of the Columbia Plateau as well as groups inhabiting other areas of the Rocky Mountains. Historic and ethnographic accounts indicate cambium harvest and consumption was a normal part of the annual cycle of some native people, especially during the spring months. Lewis and Clark report bark peeling and consumption of sap and the soft part of the wood among the Northern Shoshone: “[T]he natives had pealed [sic] the bark off the pine trees about this same season. This the indian [sic] woman (Sakakawea) with us informs that they do to obtain the sap and soft part of the wood and bark for food” (Thwaites 1904). Nez Perce elders have also reported the practice in times when the group was short of food.

Although none of the artifacts found during the investigations at the mountain bivouac site can be associated with any particular Native American group, it remains highly likely that these items were brought to the site by the Nez Perce and abandoned upon their departure. Similarly the McClellan saddle parts probably originated as property stolen from the army, as such instances were common during the Indian War period. The association of these items with cans and other goods would also be consistent with property the Nez Perce obtained through raiding of both civilian and military sources. Some Nez Perce may have possessed canned and other goods procured by scouting and raiding parties actively foraging for needed items. Some items, however, such as chinaware, “costly male and female wearing apparel,” and Richardson and Robbins plum pudding, might have been relatively rare in the region at the time. One potential source for such items is listed as “A quantity of provisions and clothing belonging to claimant and his wife,” of the value of $350.00 on lines 12 and 15 of the depredation claim filed in 1892 by George Cowan (Radersburg tourist party) for property losses incurred on August 24, 1877.

The mountain bivouac site could have been occupied by the main group of Nez Perce or a splinter group, or it could have been a rendezvous point for multiple groups after taking different routes through YNP. Archival information indicates the Nez Perce camped in this area sometime between September 4 and 6, 1877. Considering the number of people and horses that would have comprised the main group, it is quite possible (especially if they occupied the area for several days) that the Nez Perce were spread over a fairly large area to assure ready access to water, wood, and grass, with the current site area representing only a fraction of the area actually occupied. When P.W. Norris first rode through the camp in 1880, there was evidently an intriguing pattern of standing and collapsed lodges with a noticeable amount of debris of European American origin that he attributed to raids by Indian groups. The association of the stolen goods and perishable material with the standing and collapsed lodges undoubtedly conveyed a feeling of tragedy to the situation. Today the site lies in wilderness that has changed little since the Nez Perce camped there in 1877.

Moving Forward
Archeological research enabled the identification of a segment of the route taken by the Nez Perce as they crossed the Absaroka Mountains to continue on their journey northward. Working with the Nez Perce National Historic Trail managers in 2017, the NPS formerly incorporated this segment of their journey into the pedestrian Commemorative Trail Route so visitors can honor the experience of the Nez Perce. The park looks forward to continuing to tell the story of the 1877 Flight of the Nez Perce, including the multiple routes used by the various U.S. Army units Nez Perce scouting parties led by Hímiin Maqsmáqs (Yellow Wolf) and Kosooyen and other Nez Perce splinter groups and the civilian Radersburg and Helena parties, as well as other civilian encounters in the park.

There are many cultural resources along the trail, and it is up to us to preserve and protect the trail and its sites for those who come after us. Archeological sites are non-renewable, in that once disturbed they cannot be replaced or repaired and when damaged, important information is lost forever. Natural and historic sites should be left undisturbed for all who visit, as it is an important part of our heritage.

We are grateful to the Yellowstone Park Foundation (now Yellowstone Forever), National Park Service, and U.S. Forest Service for supporting this project. We also wish to thank the Office of Wyoming State Archaeologist, University of Wyoming, and tribal elders from the Nez Perce Tribe and Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation who were able to collaborate in the field on this project, and the Confederated Tribe of the Umatilla Reservation who consulted on this project.

Literature Cited

Brown, M.H. 1967. The flight of the Nez Perce. Putnam Press, New York, New York, USA.

Cleland, C.E., editor. 1971. The Lasanen Site: an historic burial locality in Mackinac County, Michigan. Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan, USA.

Crabtree, D.E. 1968. Archaeological evidence of acculturation along the Oregon Trail. Tebiwa 2. Idaho State University, Pocatello, Idaho, USA.

Dorsey, R.S, and K. L. McPheeters. 1999. The American military saddle, 1776-1945. Collectors’ Library, Eugene, Oregon, USA.

Eakin, D.H.2009. Report of 2008 Cultural Resource investigations along three sections of the Nez Perce National Historic Trail, Yellowstone National Park. Report submitted to the National Park Service by the Office of the Wyoming State Archaeologist. Yellowstone National Park, Mammoth, Wyoming, USA.

Eakin, D.H. 2012a. Report of 2010 Cultural resources investigations along five sections of the Nez Perce National Historic Trail, Yellowstone National Park. Report from Office of the Wyoming State Archaeologist, Laramie, to Yellowstone Park Foundation and Yellowstone National Park, Mammoth, Wyoming, USA.

Eakin, D.H., B.C. Vivian, D. Mitchell, and K. Thorson. 2012b. An archaeological survey and assessment of four locales associated with the Nez Perce in Yellowstone Park in the summer of 1877. Report from Office of the Wyoming State Archaeologist, Laramie, to Yellowstone Park Foundation and Yellowstone National Park, Mammoth, Wyoming, USA.

Eakin, D.H. 2014, 2015, and 2017. Investigations at 48YE506 Nez Perce National Historic Trail, Yellowstone National Park, Wyoming. Report from Office of the Wyoming State Archaeologist, Laramie, to Yellowstone Park Foundation and Yellowstone National Park, Mammoth, Wyoming, USA.

Fisher, S. 1896. Journal of S.G. Fisher, Chief of Scouts to General O.O. Howard during the campaign against the Nez Perce Indians, 1877. Contributions to the Historical Society of Montana, Helen, Montana, USA.

Greene, J.A. 2000. Nez Perce summer, 1877: the U.S. Army and the Nee-Me-Poo crises. Montana Historical Society Press, Helena, Montana, USA.

Greene, J.A. 2010. Beyond Bear’s Paw: the Nez Perce Indians in Canada. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Oklahoma, USA.

Haines, A. 1997. The Yellowstone story: a history of the first national park. volume 1. Colorado Associated University Press and Yellowstone Library and Museum Association, Yellowstone National Park, Mammoth, Wyoming, USA.

Heite, E.F. 1990. Archaeological data recovery on the Collins, Geddes Cannery Site. Report submitted to the Delaware Department of State, Division of Historical and Cultural Affairs, Bureau of Archaeology and Historic Preservation and United States Department of Transportation, Federal Highway Administration. Prepared for Delaware Department of Transportation Division of Highways Location and Environmental Studies Office, Dover, Delaware, USA.

Heite, L.B., and E. F. Heite. 1989. Archaeological and historical survey of Lebanon and Forest Landing Road 356A North Murderkill Hundred, Kent County, Delaware. Delaware Department of Transportation Archaeology Series Number 70. Report submitted to the Delaware Department of State, Division of Historical and Cultural Affairs, Bureau of Archaeology and Historic Preservation and United States Department of Transportation, Federal Highway Administration. Prepared for Delaware Department of Transportation Division of Highways Location and Environmental Studies Office, Dover, Delaware, USA.

Hunn, E. S., N. Turner, and D. French. 1989. Ethnobiology and subsistence. Pages 525-545 in W.C. Sturtevant and D. E. Walker, Jr., editors. Handbook of North American Indians: volume 12, Plateau. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., USA.

Johnson, A. 2006. Nez Perce research design. Manuscript. Yellowstone National Park, Mammoth, Wyoming, USA.

King, J. and D. Eakin 2013. Tree-ring evidence of an 1877 Nez Perce bivouac in Yellowstone National Park. Report prepared for the Yellowstone Park Foundation and the National Park Service, Rocky Mountain Region, Denver, by the Office of the Wyoming State Archaeologist,

Lewis, B.R. 1972. Small arms ammunition at the International Exposition Philidelphia, 1876. Smithsonian Studies in History and Technology 11. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., USA.

McChristian, D. C. 1995. The U.S. Army in the West, 1870- 1880: uniforms, weapons, and equipment. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Oklahoma, USA.

McChristian, D. C. 2007. Uniforms, arms, and equipment: The U.S. Army on the western frontier, 1880-1892. volume 1: headgear, clothing, and footwear. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, Oklahoma, USA.

McWhorter, L. V. 1992. Hear me, my chiefs, Nez Perce history and legend. R. Bordin, editor. Fourth edition. The Caxton Printers, Caldwell, Idaho, USA.

National Park Service. 2006. Interim project report. Yellowstone National Park, Wyoming, to Yellowstone Park Foundation, Yellowstone National Park, Mammoth, Wyoming, USA.

Nerburn, K. 2005. Chief Joseph and the flight of the Nez Perce: the untold story of an American tragedy. HarperCollins, New York, New York, USA.

Norris, P.W. 1880. Annual report of the Superintendent of the Yellowstone National Park, Mammoth, Wyoming, USA.

Report to the Secretary of the Interior, for the Year 1880. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C., USA.

Scott, D. D. 1994. A sharp little affair: the archaeology of the Big Hole Battlefield. Reprints in Anthropology 45. J&L Reprint Company, Lincoln, Nebraska, USA.

Scott, D. D. 2001. Archaeological reconnaissance of Bear Paw Battlefield, Blaine County, Montana. Technical Report No. 73. United States Department of the Interior National Park Service, Midwest Archaeological Center, Lincoln, Nebraska, USA.

Sharfstein, D. J. 2017. Thunder in the mountains: Chief Joseph, Oliver Otis Howard, and the Nez Perce War. W.W. Norton, New York, New York, USA.

Smith, R. W. 1976. Richardson and Robbins Cannery, 1881 (HAER D-3). Historical American Engineering Record, National Park Service, Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C., USA. de0010/data/de0010data.pdf

Spang, A., Joseph Walks Along, and Alberta American Horse Fisher. 1999. Cheyenne memories of Little Bighorn. Pages 33- 51 in H.J. Viola, editor. Little Bighorn remembered: the untold Indian story of Custer’s last stand. Times Books, New York, New York, USA.

Sucec, R. 2006. Notes from visit of elders of the Nez Perce Tribe to view artifacts and selected sites from the August 2006 YPF survey. Appendix A in D.H. Eakin, B.C. Vivian, D. Mitchell, and K. Thorson, editors. An archaeological survey and assessment of four locales associated with the Nez Perce in Yellowstone Park in the summer of 1877. Report from Office of the Wyoming State Archaeologist, Laramie, to Yellowstone Park Foundation and Yellowstone National Park, Mammoth, Wyoming, USA.

Swetnam, T. W. 1984. Peeled ponderosa pinetrees: a record of inner bark utilization by Native Americans. Journal of Ethnology, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, USA.

Thwaites, R. G., editor. 1904. Original journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1804-1806. volume 3. Dodd, Mead and Company, New York, New York, USA.

White, K. 2007. Notes from visit to the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Indian Reservation: meeting with Chief Joseph Band Elders. Appendix B in D.H. Eakin, B.C. Vivian, D. Mitchell, and K. Thorson, editors. An archaeological survey and assessment of four locales associated with the Nez Perce in Yellowstone Park in the summer of 1877. Report from Office of the Wyoming State Archaeologist, Laramie, to Yellowstone Park Foundation and Yellowstone National Park, Mammoth, Wyoming, USA.

White, T. 1954. Sacred trees in western Montana. Montana State University Anthropological and Sociological Papers No. 17. Bozeman, Montana, USA.

Wilfong, C. 1990. Following the Nez Perce Trail: a guide to the Nee-Me-Poo National Historic Trail with eyewitness accounts. Oregon State University Press, Corvallis, Oregon, USA.

4 A Live Bomb From World War II

Construction work in Belgrade turned into a potentially explosive situation in December 2013 when a bomb was discovered on the premises. It wasn&rsquot just any bomb either&mdashit was a one-ton German bomb dating back to World War II. The discovery prompted an immediate evacuation of the site since the bomb contained more than 600 kilograms (1,322 lb) of live explosives.

This type of bomb was frequently used by Heinkel He 111 fighter planes, and Belgrade was heavily targeted by Nazi pilots during the early stages of the war. The Prime Minister of Serbia commented that if the bomb had accidentally gone off, it would have destroyed the entire area of Dorcol, where it was found. The bomb was taken to a nearby military base to be detonated under controlled circumstances.

In March 2014, three more World War II bombs were found at a wind farm construction site in Liverpool Bay. They were discovered on the sea bed and have since been detonated.

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