Philippines SP-1677 - History

Philippines SP-1677 - History

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(SP-1677: dp. 11,480; lbp. 501'4", b. 62'2"; dr. 30'2"; s. 11
k.; cpl. 470)

Philippines (SP-1677), originally Bulgaria, was built in 1898 by Blohm and Voss, Hamburg, Germany for the Hamburg-American Packet Steamship Co. She was caught in the port of Baltimore when the United States entered World War I and was acquired 6 April 1917 by the Army who operated her as an animal and general erago transport under the names of Her~es and later Philippine$ with an armed guard aboard. The Navy took her over as a troop transport 1 May 1919 at Hoboken, N.J. and commissioned her Philippines, Comdr. J. D. Willson in command. She made two transatlantic runs to France returning troops. During these trips she carried 4,165 servicemen to the United States. Upon completion of her naval service under the operational control of NOTS, the Philippines WD`s atruck from the Naval Reglster 23 October 1919 and returned on the same date to USSB.

Philippines (CB-4) was authorised 19 July 1940 to be built by the New York Shipbuilding Corp., Camden, N.J., but her contract was cancelled 24 June 1943.

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Philippines SP-1677 - History

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Hukbalahap Rebellion

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Hukbalahap Rebellion, also called Huk Rebellion, (1946–54), Communist-led peasant uprising in central Luzon, Philippines. The name of the movement is a Tagalog acronym for Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon, which means “People’s Anti-Japanese Army.” The Huks came close to victory in 1950 but were subsequently defeated by a combination of advanced U.S. weaponry supplied to the Philippine government and administrative reforms under the charismatic Philippine president Ramon Magsaysay.

The central Luzon plain is a rich agricultural area where a large peasant population worked as tenant farmers on vast estates. The visible contrast between the wealthy few and the poverty-stricken masses was responsible for periodic peasant revolts during the Spanish period of Philippine history. During the 1930s central Luzon became a focus for Communist and Socialist organizational activities.

World War II brought matters to a head. Unlike many other Southeast Asians, the Filipinos offered strong resistance against the Japanese. After the fall of Bataan to the Japanese (April 1942), organized guerrilla bands carried on the fight for the remainder of the occupation period. The Hukbalahap organization proved highly successful as a guerrilla group and killed many Japanese troops. The Huks regarded wealthy Filipinos who collaborated with the Japanese as fair targets for assassination, and by the end of the war they had seized most of the large estates in central Luzon. They established a regional government, collected taxes, and administered their own laws.

The returning U.S. Army was suspicious of the Huks because of their Communist leadership. Tension between the Huks and the Philippine government immediately arose over the issue of surrender of arms. The Huks had gathered an estimated 500,000 rifles and were reluctant to turn them over to a government they regarded as oligarchic.

Philippine independence from the United States was scheduled for July 4, 1946. An election was held in April for positions in the new government. The Hukbalahap participated, and the Huk leader Luis Taruc won a seat in Congress but—along with some other Huk candidates—was unseated by the victorious Liberal Party. The Huks then retreated to the jungle and began their rebellion. Immediately after independence, Philippine president Manuel Roxas announced his “mailed fist” policy toward the Huks. The morale of government troops was low, however, and their indiscriminate retaliations against villagers only strengthened Huk appeal. During the next four years, the Manila government steadily slipped in prestige while Huk strength increased. By 1950 the guerrillas were approaching Manila, and the Communist leadership decided the time was ripe for a seizure of power.

The Huks suffered a crucial setback when government agents raided their secret headquarters in Manila. The entire Huk political leadership was arrested in a single night. At the same time, Huk strength was dealt another blow when U.S. President Harry Truman, alarmed at the worldwide expansion of Communist power, authorized large shipments of military supplies to the Manila government.

Another factor in the Huk defeat was the rise to power of the popular Ramon Magsaysay. His election as president in 1953 signaled a swing of popular support back to the Manila government. In 1954 Taruc emerged from the jungle to surrender, and the Hukbalahap Rebellion, for all practical purposes, came to an end.

The Huk movement and its leadership persisted, however, operating primarily from a stronghold in Pampanga province on Luzon Island. With the failure of subsequent Philippine administrations to implement the long-promised land reforms, the Huks—although split into factions and, in some areas, merged with new insurgent groups—continued into the 1970s as an active antigovernment organization.

Philippines war on drugs may have killed tens of thousands, says UN

Tens of thousands of people may have been killed during Rodrigo Duterte’s war on drugs in the Philippines, according to a damning UN report that warns of “impunity” and calls for an independent investigation into abuses.

The anti-narcotics crackdown in the Philippines, launched by the president after he won the 2016 election on a promise to rid the country of drugs, appears to have resulted in “widespread and systematic” extrajudicial killings, the report says.

It adds that rhetoric by the highest officials has potentially emboldened police to behave as though they have “permission to kill”.

The report, the UN’s strongest condemnation yet of recent abuses in the country, says there is “an overarching focus on public order and national security”, often at the expense of human rights, due process, the rule of law and accountability.

“Despite credible allegations of widespread and systematic extrajudicial killings in the context of the campaign against illegal drugs, there has been near impunity for such violations,” the report by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights says.

Since mid-2016 in the Philippines there has been only one conviction for the killing of a drug suspect in a police operation. The report says police regularly raid homes and private property without warrants, and systematically force suspects to make self-incriminating statements or risk lethal force.

Witnesses, family members, journalists and lawyers said that they feared for their safety and described a situation where “the practical obstacles to accessing justice within the country are almost insurmountable”.

The government denies there is a policy to kill people who use drugs and states that all deaths occur during legitimate police operations.

Michelle Bachelet, the UN high commissioner for human rights, described the testimonies as heartbreaking. “People who use or sell drugs do not lose their human rights,” she said.

The report also raises alarm over the vilification of dissent, adding that attacks against perceived critics are being “increasingly institutionalised and normalised in ways that will be very difficult to reverse”.

The government has increasingly filed criminal charges against people criticising the government online, it says, including by using Covid-19 special powers laws. The UN Human Rights Office also documented that between 2015 and 2019 at least 248 human rights defenders, legal professionals, journalists and trade unionists were killed in relation to their work.

The report says it could not verify the number of extrajudicial killings during the anti-drugs crackdown without further investigation. It says government figures indicate at least 8,663 people have been killed, but some estimates put the toll at triple that number.

Amnesty described the report as “a vital step” towards accountability.

There are growing calls among rights groups for the UN Human Rights Council – which is expected to hold a session on the Philippines this month – to order a further independent inquiry into abuses in the Philippines, as it has done in Myanmar and Venezuela.

“Like the UN, we are deeply concerned by the total impunity enjoyed by those who have perpetrated these crimes,” said Nicholas Bequelin, Amnesty’s Asia-Pacific regional director.

The distressed widow Dergofsky. SP 29/287/1 f. 75 (1671)

The humble petition of the
widdow Dergofsky.

To his most sacred majesty

The humble petition of the
distressed widdow Dergofsky

Humbly sheweth
that your majesties most distressed petitioner after the a long exspectation for
the money, your majesty was gratiously pleased to promise her, for to enable her
to pay her debts here, and to return into her own countrey, being still frustrated,
and having exhausted her credit to the utmost, is now reduced to the greatest
extremity imaginable, so that she must undoubtedly perish, except speedy relief
be afforded her

She therefore most humbly implores your most
sacred majesty, to look with an eye of pitty and
compassion in mercy upon her, and gratiously to grant
an order for the speedy payment of such moneys as
your majesty shall think fit, thereby to keep her from
imprisonment and from starving.

And she shall evermore as in duty bound pray etc

Culpeper's Rebellion

Culpeper's Rebellion in 1677-78 was the most significant of the many rebellions and coups of the Proprietary period in Albemarle County. A variety of problems led to the unrest in the colony that finally resulted in the overthrow of the provincial government. The Albemarle colony was a geographically isolated backwater frontier settlement that fostered self-government and individual initiative. Showing greater interest in their economically more promising colony of Charles Towne (now Charleston, S.C.) in southern Carolina, the Lords Proprietors paid little heed to the growing problems in Albemarle. By the mid-1670s the colony's government was on shaky ground from long-term internal power struggles, an uncertain land policy, rumors that the Proprietors might relinquish the colony to Governor Sir William Berkeley of Virginia, the institution of the more structured semifeudal Fundamental Constitutions, and the lack of commissioned officials. The economy was dealt a severe blow by the Plantation Duty Act of 1673, which imposed a burdensome duty on tobacco to ensure its export to England. If enforced, this duty would curtail the New England intercoastal traders, who were willing to brave the treacherous waters of North Carolina. Another factor that may have inspired the upheaval was that some of the rebels fled into Albemarle after Bacon's Rebellion in Virginia in 1676.

The last commissioned governor of Albemarle, Peter Carteret, left for England in 1672 to air the colony's grievances with the Lords Proprietors, appointing John Jenkins to be president of the council (acting governor). As the years passed with no relief and the commissions of Jenkins and the council ran out, there was increasing discontent in the colony among the political opposition. Jenkins was briefly deposed by Thomas Eastchurch and then returned to power. Eastchurch, appealing to the Proprietors, was commissioned governor in 1676. On the return voyage he tarried in the West Indies to court a new wife, sending his assistant Thomas Miller on to Albemarle as the deputy governor. Although Eastchurch had no legal authority to make this appointment, Miller was initially accepted by most of the colony's settlers on his arrival in July 1677. Miller's political enemies increased, however, when he began collecting the customs duties, seizing cargoes and ships, and making arbitrary arrests.

On 1 Dec. 1677 Miller arrested a popular New England trader named Zachariah Gillam, who had brought arms in his ship, and George Durant, a key leader in the opposition faction. By 3 December John Culpeper, who had earlier been involved in unrest in Charles Towne, had organized armed parties to release Gillam and Durant, arrest Miller and council member John Nixon, and seize the county records and seal. Culpeper's "Remonstrance" became the call for revolt throughout the colony, and the deputy customs collectors, Henry Hudson and Timothy Biggs, also were captured. At a rebel assembly on 24-25 December, Miller was to be tried, but a proclamation condemning the revolt from Governor Eastchurch, who had arrived in Virginia, broke up the meeting. Miller and Biggs were committed to a temporary prison. A rebel council with Jenkins as the acting president took over the government, and John Culpeper was elected customs collector. Eastchurch's untimely death ended the threat to suppress the rebellion from Virginia.

Early in 1678 Biggs escaped to England and was rewarded by the Lords Proprietors with appointment as comptroller of customs. To bring order to the colony, the Proprietors named one of their own, Seth Sothel, as governor. On the voyage to the colony, however, Sothel was captured and held for ransom by North African pirates. John Harvey, a respected planter of Albemarle, was appointed governor, receiving his commission in the summer of 1679. When Miller escaped to England, his account led to the arrest and trial for treason of Culpeper, who also had gone to England to explain his actions to the Proprietors. To circumvent the voiding of their charter, the Proprietors chose to defend Culpeper and were able to achieve an acquittal. This trial apparently is the reason the rebellion bears his name.

Lindley S. Butler and Alan D. Watson, eds., The North Carolina Experience: An Interpretive and Documentary History (1984).

Mattie Erma Edwards Parker, "Legal Aspects of 'Culpeper's Rebellion,'" NCHR 45 (April 1968).

Additional Resources:

Smith, William S., Jr. "Culpeper's Rebellion: New Data and Old Problems." Master's thesis. North Carolina State University. April 1990. # (November 7, 2012).

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          Solicitation number.: 72049221R10012
          Issuance Date: 16 JUNE 2021
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        • HOW TO APPLY:
          • 1. Applications must be received on or before 29 JUNE 2021, 11:59 PM Philippine Time and submitted at [email protected] with subject line indicating the solicitation number – 72049221R10012.
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            The financial institution roles as the bank credit distribution. According to the banking surveys in Indonesia, it indicates that new credit growth has been strengthened. The increasing of credit leds to increase the level of risk taking by banks that its concentration of banking in a country plays in influencing banking risk taking. This study examined the effect of banking market concentration on bank risk taking. It also explored the moderating variable of bank size on the effect of market concentration on risk taking in the banking sector. The results of the study showed that the banking market concentration has the positive effect on banking risk taking. The size of the bank weakens the positive effect of market concentration on bank risk taking. The larger the size of the bank in a concentrated banking market, the lower the risk taking of the bank. The concentrated banking market requires to distribute the market share in banks to be carried out by banking regulators so that the banking market is not concentrated and reduces banking risk taking.

            Keywords: Market concentration, Risk-Taking, Bank Size

            * Department of Management, Institut Teknologi dan Bisnis Ahmad Dahlan Lamongan, Jalan KH. Ahmad Dahlan No.41, Lamongan, Jawa Timur, 62115


            Full Text:


            Alhassan, A. L., Tetteh, M. L., & Brobbey, F. O. (2016). Market power, efficiency and bank profitability: evidence from Ghana. Economic Change and Restructuring.

            Allen, F., & Gale, D. (2004). Competition and Financial Stability. Journal of Money, Credit, and Banking.

            Altunbas, Y., Carbo, S., Gardener, E. P. M., & Molyneux, P. (2007). Examining the relationships between capital, risk and efficiency in European banking. European Financial Management.

            Barra, C., & Zotti, R. (2019). Bank Performance, Financial Stability And Market Concentration: Evidence From Cooperative And Non-Cooperative Banks. Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics.

            Beck, T., Demirgüç-Kunt, A., & Levine, R. (2006). Bank concentration, competition, and crises: First results. Journal of Banking and Finance.

            Berger, A. N., Klapper, L. F., & Turk-Ariss, R. (2017). Bank competition and financial stability. In Handbook of Competition in Banking and Finance.

            Cihák, M., Wolfe, S., & Schaeck, K. (2006). Are More Competitive Banking Systems More Stable? IMF Working Papers.

            De Nicoló, G., Jalal, A. M., & Boyd, J. H. (2006). Bank Risk-Taking and Competition Revisited: New Theory and New Evidence. IMF Working Papers.

            De Nicoló, G., & Loukoianova, E. (2007). Bank Ownership, Market Structure and Risk. IMF Working Papers.

            Delis, M. D., & Kouretas, G. P. (2011). Interest rates and bank risk-taking. Journal of Banking and Finance.

            Hellmann, T. F., Murdock, K. C., & Stiglitz, J. E. (2000). Liberalization, moral hazard in banking, and prudential regulation: Are capital requirements enough? American Economic Review.

            Jeon, Y., Miller, S. M., & Miller, S. M. (2005). Bank Performance : Market Power or Efficient Structure ? Department of Economics Working Paper Series. Central Michigan University.

            Jiménez, G., & Lopez, J. a. (2010). How Does Competition Impact Bank Risk-Taking ? How Does Competition Impact Bank Risk-Taking ? Supervision.

            Koetter, M., Kolari, J. W., & Spierdijk, L. (2012). Enjoying the quiet life under deregulation? Evidence from adjusted lerner indices for U.S. banks. Review of Economics and Statistics.

            Louzis, D. P., Vouldis, A. T., & Metaxas, V. L. (2012). Macroeconomic and bank-specific determinants of non-performing loans in Greece: A comparative study of mortgage, business and consumer loan portfolios. Journal of Banking and Finance.

            Milind Sathye. (2008). The Impact of Foreign Banks on Market Concentration: The Case of India. Applied Econometrics and International Development, 2(1), 7–20.

            Salas, V., & Saurina, J. (2003). Deregulation, market power and risk behaviour in Spanish banks. European Economic Review.

            Tabak, B. M., Fazio, D. M., & Cajueiro, D. O. (2012). The relationship between banking market competition and risk-taking: Do size and capitalization matter? Journal of Banking and Finance.

            Tabak, B. M., Fazio, D. M., & Cajueiro, D. O. (2013). Systemically important banks and financial stability: The case of Latin America. Journal of Banking and Finance.

            Tan, Y., & Floros, C. (2014). Risk, Profitability, and Competition: Evidence from the Chinese Banking Industry. The Journal of Developing Areas.

            Zhang, J., Jiang, C., Qu, B., & Wang, P. (2013). Market concentration, risk-taking, and bank performance: Evidence from emerging economies. International Review of Financial Analysis.

            Bank Indonesia. Survei Perbankan Triwulan IV-2019. (Online) . Accessed February 20, 2020.

   6 Bank Besar Kuasai 53 Persen Aset Perbankan Indonesia, Siapa Saja?. (online), Accessed February 20, 2020

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            International Research Journal of Business Studies indexed in:

            ABERCROMBY, Alexander (1677-1729), of Glasshaugh, Banff.

            b. 1677, 1st s. of Alexander Abercromby of Glasshaugh by Katherine, da. of Robert Dunbar of Grangehill, Elgin. m. 1705, Helen, da. of George Meldrum of Crombie, Banff, and Laithers, Aberdeen, 2s. 4da. suc. gd.-fa. 1698.

            Offices Held

            Lt. 21 Ft. 1706, capt. 1707, lt.-col. half pay 1721.


            Abercromby belonged to a junior branch of one of the chief parliamentary families of Banffshire, which he represented for 20 years. Though on Harley’s pay-roll in Anne’s last Parliament, he was classed as Whig at George I’s accession, voting regularly with the Government. In 1720 he became involved in financial difficulties owing to speculations in the Mississippi and the South Sea companies.1 On 20 Oct. 1722 he moved unsuccessfully that the election petition of Colonel John Campbell should be heard at the bar of the House.2 Between 1723 and 1725 he bombarded the ministry with petitions for promotion, pleading that he had ‘served faithfully sixteen years as a captain at all sieges, battles, and other services during the said time and at the Union . also attending the Parliament every session’.3 He died 23 Dec. 1728.

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